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June 1998 Anne Stinehart, Electronic Text Center
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Colley Cibber as Lord Foppington
AN APOLOGY FOR THE LIFE OF MR. COLLEY CIBBER
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME THE SECOND
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
A NEW EDITION WITH NOTES AND SUPPLEMENT
BY
ROBERT W. LOWE
WITH TWENTY-SIX ORIGINAL MEZZOTINT PORTRAITS BY
R. B. PARKES, AND EIGHTEEN ETCHINGS BY ADOLPHE LALAUZE
LONDON
JOHN C. NIMMO
14, KING WILLIAM STREET, STRAND
MDCCCLXXXIX
AMS PRESS, INC.
NEW YORK
1966
-v-
CONTENTS.
- CHAPTER X.
THE RECRUITED ACTORS IN THE HAY MARKET ENCOURAGED BY A SUBSCRIPTION, ETC. .
.1
- CHAPTER XI.
SOME CHIMÆRICAL THOUGHTS OF MAKING THE STAGE USEFUL, ETC. . . 24
- CHAPTER XII.
A SHORT VIEW OF THE OPERA WHEN FIRST DIVIDED FROM THE COMEDY, ETC. . . 50
- CHAPTER XIII.
THE PATENTEE, HAVING NOW NO ACTORS, REBUILDS THE NEW THEATRE IN
LINCOLNS-INN-FIELDS, ETC. . . . 97
- CHAPTER XIV.
THE STAGE IN ITS HIGHEST PROSPERITY, ETC. . . 117
- CHAPTER XV.
SIR RICHARD STEELE SUCCEEDS COLLIER IN THE THEATRE-ROYAL, ETC. . . 161
-vi-
- CHAPTER XVI.
THE AUTHOR STEPS OUT OF HIS WAY. PLEADS HIS THEATRICAL CAUSE IN CHANCERY,
ETC. . . . 192
- SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER . . . 257
- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF COLLEY CIBBER . . . 289
- A BRIEF SUPPLEMENT TO COLLEY GIBBER, ESQ; HIS LIVES OF THE LATE FAMOUS
ACTORS AND ACTRESSES . . . 299
- MEMOIRS OF ACTORS AND ACTRESSES . . . 319
-vii-
LIST OF MEZZOTINT PORTRAITS.
NEWLY ENGRAVED BY R. B. PARKES.
VOLUME THE SECOND.
- I. COLLEY CIBBER, in the character of "Sir Novelty Fashion, newley
created Lord Foppington," in Vanbrugh's play of "The Relapse; or,
Virtue in Danger." From the painting by J. Grisoni. The property of the
Garrick Club . . .Frontispiece
- II. OWEN SWINEY. After the painting by John Baptist Vanloo . . . 54
- III. ANNE OLDFIELD. From the picture by Jonathan Richardson . . . 70
- IV. THEOPHILUS CIBBER, in the character of "Antient Pistol" . .
. 86
- V. HESTER SANTLOW (Mrs. Barton Booth). After an original picture from the
life . . . 104
- VI. ROBERT WILKS. After the painting by John Ellys, 1732 . . . 122
- VII. RICHARD STEELE. From the painting by Jonathan Richardson, 1712 . . .
172
- VIII. BARTON BOOTH. From the picture by George White . . . 206
- IX. SUSANNA MARIA CIBBER. After a painting by Thomas Hudson . . . 222
- X. CHARLES FLEETWOOD. "Sir Fopling Flutter Arrested."
"Drawn from a real Scene." John Dixon
ad vivum del et fect . . . 254
- XI. ALEXANDER POPE, at the age of 28. After the picture by Sir Godfrey
Kneller, painted in 1716 . . . 272
- XII. SUSANNA MARIA CIBBER, in the character of Cordelia, "King
Lear," act iii. After the picture by Peter Van Bleeck . . . 288
- XIII. CAVE UNDERHILL, in the character of Obadiah, "The Fanatic
Elder." After the picture by Robert Bing, 1712 . . . 306
-viii-
LIST OF CHAPTER HEADINGS.
NEWLY ETCHED FROM CONTEMPORARY DRAWINGS BY ADOLPHE LALAUZE.
VOLUME THE SECOND.
- X. SCENE ILLUSTRATING CIBBER'S "CARELESS HUSBAND." After the
picture by Philip Mercier.
- XI. COFFEE-HOUSE SCENE OF CIBBER'S DAY, "drawn from the life" by
G. Vander Gucht.
- XII. SCENE ILLUSTRATING "THE ITALIAN OPERA," WITH SENESINO,
CUZZONI, &c. From a contemporary design.
- XIII. SCENE ILLUSTRATING FARQUHAR'S "RECRUITING OFFICER." After
the picture by Philip Mercier.
- XIV. SCENE ILLUSTRATING ADDISON'S "CATO." After the contemporary
design by Lud. du Guernier.
- XV. SCENE ILLUSTRATING VANBRUGH AND CIBBER'S "PROVOKED HUSBAND."
After the contemporary design by J. Vandcrbank.
- XVI. SCENE ILLUSTRATING VANBRUGH'S "PROVOKED WIFE." After the
contemporary design by Arnold Vanhaecken.
- XVII. "THE STAGE MUTINY, with portraits of Theophilus Cibber as
"Antient Pistol," Mrs. Wilks, and others, in character; Colley
Cibber as Poet Laureate, with his lap filled with bags of money. From a
pictorial satire of the time.
- XVIII. ANTHONY ASTON'S "THE FOOL'S OPERA."
-1-
AN APOLOGY FOR THE LIFE OF MR. COLLEY CIBBER &c.
CHAPTER X.
The recruited Actors in the Hay-Market encourag'd
by a Subscription. Drury-Lane under a particular Menagement. The
Power of a Lord-Chamberlain over the Theatres consider'd. How it had been
formerly exercis'd. A Digression to Tragick Authors.
HAVING shewn the particular Conduct of the Patentee in
refusing so fair an Opportunity of securing to himself both Companies under
his sole Power and Interest, I shall now lead the Reader, after a short View
of what pass'd in this new Establishment of the Hay-Market Theatre, to
the Accidents
-2-
that the Year following compell'd the same Patentee to receive both Companies,
united, into the Drury-Lane Theatre, notwithstanding his Disinclination
to it.
It may now be imagin'd that such a Detachment of Actors
from Drury-Lane could not but give a new Spirit to those in the Hay-Market;
not only by enabling them to act each others Plays to better Advantage, but by
an emulous Industry which had lain too long inactive among them, and without
which they plainly saw they could not be sure of Subsistence. Plays by this
means began to recover a good Share of their former Esteem and Favour; and the
Profits of them in about a Month enabled our new Menager to discharge his Debt
(of something more than Two hundred Pounds) to his old Friend the Patentee,
who had now left him and his Troop in trust to fight their own Battles. The
greatest Inconvenience they still laboured under was the immoderate Wideness
of their House, in which, as I have observ'd, the Difficulty of Hearing may be
said to have bury'd half the Auditors Entertainment. This Defect seem'd
evident from the much better Reception several new Plays (first acted there)
met with when they afterwards came to be play'd by the same Actors in Drury-Lane:
Of this Number were the Stratagem 2.1 and the Wife's
-3-
Resentment; 3.1 to which I may add the Double
Gallant. 3.2 This last was a Play made up of what
little was tolerable in two or three others that had no Success, and were laid
aside as so much Poetical Lumber; but by collecting and adapting the best
parts of them all into one Play, the Double Gallant has had a Place
every Winter amongst the Publick Entertainments these Thirty Years. As I was
only the Compiler of this Piece I
-4-
did not publish it in my own Name; but as my having but a Hand in it could not
be long a Secret, I have been often treated as a Plagiary on that Account: Not
that I think I have any right to complain of whatever would detract from the
Merit of that sort of Labour, yet a Cobler may be allow'd to be useful though
he is not famous: 4.1 And I hope a Man is not blameable
for doing a little Good, tho' he cannot do as much as another? But so it is --
Twopenny Criticks must live as well as Eighteenpenny Authors! 4.2
While the Stage was thus recovering its former Strength,
a more honourable Mark of Favour was shewn to it than it was ever known before
or since to have receiv'd. The then Lord Hallifax was not only the
Patron of the Men of Genius of this Time, but had likewise a generous Concern
for the Reputation and Prosperity of the Theatre, from whence the most elegant
Dramatick Labours of the Learned, he knew, had often shone in their brightest
Lustre. A Proposal therefore was drawn up and addressed to that Noble Lord for
his Approbation and Assistance to raise a publick Subscription for Reviving
Three Plays of the best Authors, with the full Strength of the Company; every
Subscriber to have Three Tickets for the first Day of each Play for
-5-
his single Payment of Three Guineas. This Subscription his Lordship so
zealously encouraged, that from his Recommendation chiefly, in a very little
time it was compleated. The Plays were Julius Cæsar of Shakespear;
the King and no King of Fletcher, and the Comic Scenes of Dryden's
Marriage à la mode and of his Maiden Queen put together. 5.1
for it was judg'd that, as these comic Episodes were' utterly independent of
the serious Scenes they were originally written to, they might on this
occasion be as well Episodes either to the other, and so make up five livelier
Acts between them: At least the Project so well succeeded, that those comic
Parts have never since been replaced, but were continued to be jointly acted
as one Play several Years after.
By the Aid of this Subscription, which happen'd in 1707,
and by the additional Strength and Industry of this Company, not only the
Actors (several of which were handsomely advanc'd in their Sallaries) were
duly paid, but the Menager himself, too, at the Foot of his Account, stood a
considerable Gainer.
-6-
At the same time the Patentee of Drury-Lane went
on in his usual Method of paying extraordinary Prices to Singers, Dancers, and
other exotick Performers, which were as constantly deducted out of the sinking
Sallaries of his Actors: 'Tis true his Actors perhaps might not deserve much
more than he gave them; yet, by what I have related, it is plain he chose not
to be troubled with such as visibly had deserv'd more: For it seems he had not
purchas'd his Share of the Patent to mend the Stage, but to make Money of it:
And to say Truth, his Sense of every thing to be shewn there was much upon a
Level with the Taste of the Multitude, whose Opinion and whose Money weigh'd
with him full as much as that of the best Judges. His Point was to please the
Majority, who could more easily comprehend any thing they saw than the
daintiest things that could be said to them. But in this Notion he kept no
medium; for in my Memory he carry'd it so far that he was (some few Years
before this time) actually dealing for an extraordinary large Elephant at a
certain Sum for every Day he might think fit to shew the tractable Genius of
that vast quiet Creature in any Play or Farce in the Theatre (then standing)
in Dorset-Garden. But from the Jealousy which so formidable a Rival had
rais'd in his Dancers, and by his Bricklayer's assuring him that if the Walls
were to be open'd wide enough for its Entrance it might endanger the fall of
the House, he gave up his Project, and with it so hopeful a Prospect of
-7-
making the Receipts of the Stage run higher than all the Wit and Force of the
best Writers had ever yet rais'd them to. 7.1
About the same time of his being under this
Disappointment he put in Practice another Project of as new, though not of so
bold a Nature; which was his introducing a Set of Rope-dancers into the same
Theatre; for the first Day of whose Performance he had given out some Play in
which I had a material Part: But I was hardy enough to go into the Pit and
acquaint the Spectators near me, that I hop'd they would not think it a Mark
of my Disrespect to them, if I declin'd acting upon any Stage that was brought
to so low a Disgrace as ours was like to be by that Day's Entertainment. My
Excuse was so well taken that I never after found any ill Consequences, or
heard of the least Disapprobation of it: And the whole Body of Actors, too,
protesting against such an Abuse of their Profession, our cautious Master was
too much alarm'd and intimidated to repeat it.
After what I have said, it will be no wonder that all due
Regards to the original Use and Institution of the Stage should be utterly
lost or neglected: Nor was the Conduct of this Menager easily to be alter'd
while he had found the Secret of making Money out
-8-
of Disorder and Confusion: For however strange it may seem, I have often
observ'd him inclin'd to be cheerful in the Distresses of his Theatrical
Affairs, and Equally reserv'd and pensive when they went smoothly forward with
a visible Profit. Upon a Run of good Audiences he was more frighted to be
thought a Gainer, which might make him accountable to others, than he was
dejected with bad Houses, which at worst he knew would make others accountable
to him: And as, upon a moderate Computation, it cannot be supposed that the
contested Accounts of a twenty Year's Wear and Tear in a Play-house could be
fairly adjusted by a Master in Chancery under four-score Years more, it will
be no Surprize that by the Neglect, or rather the Discretion, of other
Proprietors in not throwing away good Money after bad, this Hero of a Menager,
who alone supported the War, should in time so fortify himself by Delay, and
so tire his Enemies, that he became sole Monarch of his Theatrical Empire, and
left the quiet Possession of it to his Successors.
If these Facts seem to trivial for the Attention of a
sensible Reader, let it be consider'd that they are not chosen Fictions to entertain,
but Truths necessary to inform him under what low Shifts and Disgraces,
what Disorders and Revolutions, the Stage labour'd before it could recover
that Strength and Reputation wherewith it began to flourish towards the latter
End of Queen Anne's Reign; and which it continued to enjoy for a Course
of twenty Years
-9-
following. But let us resume our Account of the new Settlement in the Hay-Market.
It may be a natural Question why the Actors whom Swiney
brought over to his Undertaking in the Hay-Market would tie themselves
down to limited Sallaries? for though he as their Menager was obliged to make
them certain Payments, it was not certain that the Receipts would enable him
to do it; and since their own Industry was the only visible Fund they had to
depend upon, why would they not for that Reason insist upon their being
Sharers as well of possible Profits as Losses? How far in this Point they
acted right or wrong will appear from the following State of their Case.
It must first be consider'd that this Scheme of their
Desertion was all concerted and put in Execution in a Week's Time, which short
Warning might make them overlook that Circumstance, and the sudden Prospect of
being deliver'd from having seldom more than half their Pay was a Contentment
that had bounded all their farther Views. Besides, as there could be no room
to doubt of their receiving their full Pay previous to any Profits that might
be reap'd by their Labour, and as they had no great Reason to apprehend those
Profits could exceed their respective Sallaries so far as to make them repine
at them, they might think it but reasonable to let the Chance of any
extraordinary Gain be on the Side of their Leader and Director. But farther,
as this Scheme had the Approbation of the Court, these Actors in
-10-
reality had it not in their Power to alter any Part of it: And what induced
the Court to encourage it was, that by having the Theatre and its Menager more
immediately dependent on the Power of the Lord Chamberlain, it was not doubted
but the Stage would be recover'd into such a reputation as might now do Honour
to that absolute Command which the Court or its Officers seem'd always fond of
having over it.
Here, to set the Constitution of the Stage in a clearer
Light, it may not be amiss to look back a little on the Power of a Lord
Chamberlain, which, as may have been observ'd in all Changes of the Theatrical
Government, has been the main Spring without which no Scheme of what kind
soever could be set in Motion. My Intent is not to enquire how far by Law this
Power has been limited or extended; but merely as an Historian to relate Facts
to gratify the Curious, and then leave them to their own Reflections: This,
too, I am the more inclin'd to, because there is no one Circumstance which has
affected the Stage wherein so many Spectators, from those of the highest Rank
to the Vulgar, have seem'd more positively knowing or less inform'd in.
Though in all the Letters Patent for acting Plays, &c.
since King Charles the First's Time there has been no mention of
the Lord Chamberlain, or of any Subordination to his Command or Authority, yet
it was still taken for granted that no Letters Patent, by the bare Omission of
such a great Officer's Name,
-11-
could have superseded or taken out of his Hands that Power which Time out of
Mind he always had exercised over the Theatre. 11.1 The
common Opinions then abroad were, that if the Profession of Actors was
unlawful, it was not in the Power of the Crown to license it; and if it were
not unlawful, it ought to be free and independent as other Professions; and
that a Patent to exercise it was only an honorary Favour from the Crown to
give it a better Grace of Recommendation to the Publick. But as the Truth of
this Question seem'd to be wrapt in a great deal of Obscurity, in the old Laws
made in former Reigns relating to Players, &c. it may be no Wonder
that the best Companies of Actors should be desirous of taking Shelter under
the visible Power of a Lord Chamberlain who they knew had at his Pleasure
favoured and protected or born hard upon them: But be all this as it may, a
Lord Chamberlain (from whencesoever his Power might be derived) had till of
later Years had always an implicit Obedience paid to it: I shall now give some
few Instances in what manner it was exercised.
What appear'd to be most reasonably under his Cognizance
was the licensing or refusing new Plays,
-12-
or striking out what might be thought offensive in them: Which Province had
been for many Years assign'd to his inferior Officer, the Master of the
Revels; yet was not this License irrevocable; for several Plays, though acted
by that Permission, had been silenced afterwards. The first Instance of this
kind that common Fame has deliver'd down to us, is that of the Maid's
Tragedy of Beaumont and Fletcher, which was forbid in King Charles
the Second's time, by an Order from the Lord Chamberlain. For what
Reason this Interdiction was laid upon it the Politicks of those Days have
only left us to guess. Some said that the killing of the King in that Play,
while the tragical Death of King Charles the First was then so
fresh in People's Memory, was an Object too horribly impious for a publick
Entertainment. What makes this Conjecture seem to have some Foundation, is
that the celebrated Waller, in Compliment to that Court, alter'd the
last Act of this Play (which is printed at the End of his Works) and gave it a
new Catastrophe, wherein the Life of the King is loyally saved, and the Lady's
Matter made up with a less terrible Reparation. Others have given out, that a
repenting Mistress, in a romantick Revenge of her Dishonour, killing the King
in the very Bed he expected her to come into, was shewing a too dangerous
Example to other Evadnes then shining at Court in the same Rank of
royal Distinction; who, if ever their Consciences should have run equally mad,
might have had frequent Opportunities of putting
-13-
the Expiation of their Frailty into the like Execution. But this I doubt is
too deep a Speculation, or too ludicrous a Reason, to be relied on; it being
well known that the Ladies then in favour were not so nice in their Notions as
to think their Preferment their Dishonour, or their Lover a Tyrant: Besides,
that easy Monarch loved his Roses without Thorns; nor do we hear that he much
chose to be himself the first Gatherer of them. 13.1
The Lucius Junius Brutus of Nat. Lee 13.2
was in the same Reign silenced after the third Day of Acting it; it being
objected that the Plan and Sentiments of it had too boldly vindicated, and
might enflame republican Principles.
A Prologue (by Dryden) to the Prophetess
was forbid by the Lord Dorset after the first Day of its being spoken. 13.3
This happen'd when King William was prosecuting the War in Ireland.
It must be
-14-
confess'd that this Prologue had some familiar, metaphorical Sneers at the
Revolution itself; and as the Poetry of it was good, the Offence of it was
less pardonable.
The Tragedy of Mary Queen of Scotland 14.1
had been offer'd to the Stage twenty Years before it was acted: But from the
profound Penetration of the Master of the Revels, who saw political Spectres
in it that never appear'd in the Presentation, it had lain so long upon the
Hands of the Author; who had at last the good Fortune to prevail with a
Nobleman to favour his Petition to Queen Anne for Permission to have it
acted: The Queen had the Goodness to refer the Merit of his Play to the
Opinion of that noble Person, although he was not her Majesty's Lord
Chamberlain; upon whose Report of its being every way an innocent Piece, it
was soon after acted with Success.
Reader, by your Leave -- I will be just speak a Word or
two to any Author that has not yet writ one Line of his next Play, and then I
will come to my Point again -- What I would say to him is this -- Sir, before
you set Pen to Paper, think well and principally of your Design or chief
Action, towards
-15-
which every Line you write ought to be drawn, as to its Centre: If we can say
of your finest Sentiments, This or That might be left out without maiming the
Story, you would tell us, depend upon it, that fine thing is said in a wrong
Place; and though you may urge that a bright Thought is not to be resisted,
you will not be able to deny that those very fine Lines would be much finer if
you could find a proper Occasion for them: Otherwise you will be thought to
take less Advice from Aristotle or Horace than from Poet Bays
in the Rehearsal, who very smartly says -- What the Devil is the
Plot good for but to bring in fine things? Compliment the Taste of your
Hearers as much as you please with them, provided they belong to your Subject,
but don't, like a dainty Preacher who has his Eye more upon this World than
the next, leave your Text for them. When your Fable is good, every Part of it
will cost you much less Labour to keep your Narration alive, than you will be
forced to bestow upon those elegant Discourses that are not absolutely
conducive to your Catastrophe or main Purpose: Scenes of that kind shew but at
best the unprofitable or injudicious Spirit of a Genius. It is but a
melancholy Commendation of a fine Thought to say, when we have heard it, Well!
but what's all this to the Purpose? Take, therefore, in some part, Example
by the Author last mention'd! There are three Plays of his, the Earl of
Essex, 15.1 Anna
-16-
Bullen, 16.1 and Mary Queen of Scots, which,
tho' they are all written in the most barren, barbarous Stile that was ever
able to keep Possession of the Stage, have all interested the Hearts of his
Auditors. To what then could this Success be owing, but to the intrinsick and
naked Value of the well-conducted Tales he has simply told us? There is
something so happy in the Disposition of all his Fables; all his chief
Characters are thrown into such natural Circumstances of Distress, that their
Misery or Affliction wants very little Assistance from the Ornaments of Stile
or Words to speak them. When a skilful Actor is so situated, his bare
plaintive Tone of Voice, the Cast of Sorrow from his Eye, his slowly graceful
Gesture, his humble Sighs of Resignation under his Calamities: All these, I
say, are sometimes without a Tongue equal to the strongest Eloquence. At such
a time the attentive Auditor supplies from his own Heart whatever the Poet's
Language may fall short of in Expression, and melts himself into every Pang of
Humanity which the like Misfortunes in real Life could have inspir'd.
After what I have observ'd, whenever I see a Tragedy
defective in its Fable, let there be never so many fine Lines in it; I hope I
shall be forgiven if I impute that Defect to the Idleness, the weak Judgment,
or barren Invention of the Author.
If I should be ask'd why I have not always my self
follow'd the Rules I would impose upon others;
-17-
I can only answer, that whenever I have not, I lie equally open to the same
critical Censure. But having often observ'd a better than ordinary Stile
thrown away upon the loose and wandering Scenes of an ill-chosen Story, I
imagin'd these Observations might convince some future Author of how great
Advantage a Fable well plann'd must be to a Man of any tolerable Genius.
All this I own is leading my Reader out of the way; but
if he has as much Time upon his Hands as I have, (provided we are neither of
us tir'd) it may be equally to the Purpose what he reads or what I write of.
But as I have no Objection to Method when it is not troublesome, I return to
my Subject.
Hitherto we have seen no very unreasonable Instance of
this absolute Power of a Lord Chamberlain, though we were to admit that no one
knew of any real Law, or Construction of Law, by which this Power was given
him. I shall now offer some Facts relating to it of a more extraordinary
Nature, which I leave my Reader to give a Name to.
About the middle of King William's Reign an Order
of the Lord Chamberlain was then subsisting that no Actor of either Company
should presume to go from one to the other without a Discharge from their
respective Menagers 17.1 and the Permission of
-18-
the Lord Chamberlain. Notwithstanding such Order, Powel, being uneasy
at the Favour Wilks was then rising into, had without such Discharge
left the Drury-Lane Theatre and engag'd himself to that of Lincolns-Inn-Fields:
But by what follows it will appear that this Order was not so much intended to
do both of them good, as to do that which the Court chiefly favour'd (Lincolns-Inn-Fields)
no harm. 18.1 For when Powel grew dissatisfy'd at
his Station there too, he return'd to Drury-Lane (as he had before gone
from it) without a Discharge: But halt a little! here, on this Side of the
Question, the Order was to stand in force, and the same Offence against it now
was not to be equally pass'd over. He was the next Day taken up by a Messenger
and confin'd to the Porter's-Lodge, where, to the best of my Remembrance, he
remain'd about two Days; when the Menagers of Lincolns-Inn-Fields, not
thinking an Actor of his
-19-
loose Character worth their farther Trouble, gave him up; though perhaps he
was releas'd for some better Reason. 19.1 Upon this
occasion, the next Day, behind the Scenes at Drury-Lane, a Person of
great Quality in my hearing enquiring of Powel into the Nature of his
Offence, after he had heard it, told him, That if he had had Patience or
Spirit enough to have staid in his Confinement till he had given him Notice of
it, he would have found him a handsomer way of coming out of it.
Another time the same Actor, Powel, was provok'd
-20-
at Will's Coffee-house, in a Dispute about the Playhouse Affairs, to
strike a Gentleman whose Family had been sometimes Masters of it; a Complaint
of this Insolence was, in the Absence of the Lord-Chamberlain, immediately
made to the Vice-Chamberlain, who so highly resented it that he thought
himself bound in Honour to carry his Power of redressing it as far as it could
possibly go: For Powel having a Part in the Play that was acted the Day
after, the Vice-Chamberlain sent an Order to silence the whole Company for
having suffer'd Powel to appear upon the Stage before he had made that
Gentleman Satisfaction, although the Masters of the Theatre had had no Notice
of Powel's Misbehaviour: However, this Order was obey'd, and remain'd
in force for two or three Days, 'till the same Authority was pleas'd or
advis'd to revoke it. 20.1 From the Measures this injur'd
Gentleman took for his Redress, it may be judg'd how far it was taken for
granted that a Lord-Chamberlain had an absolute Power over the Theatre.
I shall now give an Instance of an Actor who had the
Resolution to stand upon the Defence of his
-21-
Liberty against the same Authority, and was reliev'd by it.
In the same King's Reign, Dogget, who tho', from a
severe Exactness in his Nature, he could be seldom long easy in any Theatre,
where Irregularity, not to say Injustice, too often prevail'd, yet in the
private Conduct of his Affairs he was a prudent, honest Man. He therefore took
an unusual Care, when he return'd to act under the Patent in Drury-Lane,
to have his Articles drawn firm and binding: But having some Reason to think
the Patentee had not dealt fairly with him, he quitted the Stage and would act
no more, rather chusing to lose his whatever unsatisfy'd Demands than go
through the chargeable and tedious Course of the Law to recover it. But the
Patentee, who (from other People's Judgment) knew the Value of him, and who
wanted, too, to have him sooner back than the Law could possibly bring him,
thought the surer way would be to desire a shorter Redress from the Authority
of the Lord-Chamberlain. 21.1 Accordingly, upon his
Complaint a Messenger was immediately dispatch'd to Norwich, where Dogget
then was to bring him up in Custody: but doughty Dogget, who had Money
in his Pocket and the Cause of Liberty at his Heart, was not in the least
intimidated
-22-
by this formidable Summons. He was observ'd to obey it with a particular
Chearfulness, entertaining his Fellow-traveller, the Messenger, all the way in
the Coach (for he had protested against Riding) with as much Humour as a Man
of his Business might be capable of tasting. And as he found his Charges were
to be defray'd, he, at every Inn, call'd for the best Dainties the Country
could afford or a pretended weak Appetite could digest. At this rate they
jollily roll'd on, more with the Air of a Jaunt than a Journey, or a Party of
Pleasure than of a poor Devil in Durance. Upon his Arrival in Town he
immediately apply'd to the Lord Chief Justice Holt for his Habeas
Corpus. As his Case was something particular, that eminent and learned
Minister of the Law took a particular Notice of it: For Dogget was not
only discharg'd, but the Process of his Confinement (according to common Fame)
had a Censure pass'd upon it in Court, which I doubt I am not Lawyer enough to
repeat! To conclude, the officious Agents of this Affair, finding that in Dogget
they had mistaken their Man, were mollify'd into milder Proceedings, and (as
he afterwards told me) whisper'd something in his Ear that took away Dogget's
farther Uneasiness about it.
By these Instances we see how naturally Power only
founded on Custom is apt, where the Law is silent, to run into Excesses, and
while it laudably pretends to govern others, how hard it is to govern itself.
But since the Law has lately open'd its
-23-
Mouth, and has said plainly that some Part of this Power to govern the Theatre
shall be, and is plac'd in a proper Person; and as it is evident that the
Power of that white Staff, ever since it has been in the noble Hand that now
holds it, has been us'd with the utmost Lenity, I would beg leave of the
murmuring Multitude who frequent the Theatre to offer them a simple Question
or two, viz. Pray, Gentlemen, how came you, or rather your
Fore-fathers, never to be mutinous upon any of the occasional Facts I have
related? And why have you been so often tumultuous upon a Law's being made
that only confirms a less Power than was formerly exercis'd without any Law to
support it? You cannot, sure, say such Discontent is either just or natural,
unless you allow it a Maxim in your Politicks that Power exercis'd without
Law is a less Grievance than the same Power exercis'd according to Law!
Having thus given the clearest View I was able of the
usual Regard paid to the Power of a Lord-Chamberlain, the Reader will more
easily conceive what Influence and Operation that Power must naturally have in
all Theatrical Revolutions, and particularly in the complete Re-union of both
Companies, which happen'd in the Year following.
[2.1] That is, "The Beaux' Stratagem," by Farquhar,
produced 8th March, 1707. Cibber played the part of Gibbet.
[3.1] "Lady's Last Stake; or, the Wife's Resentment,"
a comedy by Cibber, produced 13th December, 1707.
- LORD WRONGLOVE..........Mr. Wilks.
- SIR GEORGE BRILLIANT....Mr. Cibber.
- SIR FRIENDLY MORAL......Mr. Keene.
- LADY WRONGLOVE..........Mrs. Barry.
- LADY GENTLE.............Mrs. Rogers.
- MRS. CONQUEST...........Mrs. Oldfield.
- MISS NOTABLE............Mrs. Cross.
[3.2] "The Double Gallant; or, the Sick Lady's Cure,"
a comedy by Cibber, produced 1st November, 1707.
- SIR SOLOMON SADLIFE.....Mrs. Johnson.
- CLERIMONT...............Mr. Booth.
- CARELESS................Mr. Wilks.
- ATALL...................Mr. Cibber.
- CAPTAIN STRUT...........Mr. Bowen.
- SIR SQUABBLE SPLITHAIR..Mr. Norris.
- SAUNTER.................Mr. Pack.
- OLD MR. WILFUL..........Mr. Bullock.
- SIR HARRY ATALL.........Mr. Cross.
- SUPPLE..................Mr. Fairbank.
- LADY DAINTY.............Mrs. Oldfield.
- LADY SADLIFE............Mrs. Crosse.
- CLARINDA................Mrs. Rogers.
- SYLVIA..................Mrs. Bradshaw.
- WISHWELL................Mrs. Saunders.
- SITUP...................Mrs. Brown.
[4.1] The plays from which Cibber compiled "The Double
Gallant" are "Love at a Venture," "The Lady's Visiting
Day," and "The Reformed Wife" (Genest, ii. 389).
[4.2] Eighteenpence was for many years the recognized price of
plays when published.
[5.1] These were played on 14th January, 21st January, and 4th
February, 1707, in the order Cibber gives them. The alteration of Dryden's
plays was done by Cibber, and was called "Marriage à la Mode' or, the
Comical Lovers."
- CELADON..........Mr. Cibber.
- PALAMEDE.........Mr. Wilks.
- RHODOPHIL........Mr. Booth.
- MELANTHA.........Mrs. Bracegirdle.
- FLORIMEL.........Mrs. Oldfield.
- DORALICE.........Mrs. Porter.
I have not seen a copy of this, so take the cast from Genest.
[7.1] An elephant was introduced into the pantomime of
"Harlequin and Padmanaba," at Covent Garden, 26th December, 1811.
Genest points out that one had appeared at Smock Alley Theatre, Dublin, in
1771-2.
[11.1] In Mr. Percy Fitzgerald's New History of the English
Stage" (ii. 436) he gives an interesting memorandum by the Hon. Sir
Spencer Ponsonby-Fane regarding this point. It begins: "That the
Chamberlain's authority proceeded from the Sovereign alone is clear, from the
fact that no Act of Parliament, previous to the 10 Geo. II., c. 28 (passed in
1737), alludes to his licensing powers, though he was constantly exercising
them."
[13.1]Langbaine, in his "Account of the English Dramatick Poets,"
1691, says (p. 212): "Maid's Tragedy, a Play which has always been
acted with great Applause at the King's Theatre; and which had still continu'd
on the English Stage, had not King Charles the Second, for some
particular Reasons forbid its further Appearance during his Reign. It has
since been reviv'd by Mr. Waller, the last Act having been wholly
alter'd to please the Court."
I think there can be little doubt that the last reason
suggested by Cibber was the real cause of the prohibition.
[13.2] Produced at Dorset Garden, 1681.
[13.3] Produced at Dorset Garden, 1690. See ante, vol. i. p. 187. I
presume that the lines alluded to by Cibber are: --
"Never content with what you had before,
But true to change, and Englishmen all o'er."
[14.1] In the "Biographia Dramatica" (iii. 24) the
following note appears: "Mary Queen of Scotland. A play under this title
was advertised, among others, as sold by Wellington, in St. Paul's Churchyard,
in 1703." But the work Cibber refers to is "The Island Queens; or,
the Death of Mary Queen of Scots," a tragedy by John Banks, printed in
1684, but not produced till 6th March, 1704, when it was played at Drury Lane
as "The Albion Queens."
[15.1] "The Unhappy Favourite; or, the Earl of
Essex," produced at the Theatre Royal, 1682.
[16.1] "Virtue Betrayed; or, Anna Bullen," first
acted at Dorset Garden, 1682.
[17.1] Bellchambers notes here that this order was
superfluous, because the prohibition was inserted in the Patents given to
Davenant and Killigrew. But, whether superfluous or not, I find from the
Records of the Lord Chamberlain's Office that this order was frequently made.
On 16th April, 1695, an edict was issued forbidding actors to desert from
Betterton's company; on 25th July, 1695, desertions from either company were
forbidden; and this latter order was reiterated on 27th May, 1697.
[18.1] I do not know whether it is merely a coincidence, but
it is curious that, after Betterton got his License (on 25th March, 1695), an
edict was issued that no one was to desert from his company to that of the
Theatre Royal; while a general order against any desertion from either company
to the other was not issued for more than three months after the first edict.
The dates, as given in the Records of the Lord Chamberlain's Office, are 16th
April and 25th July respectively. If this were intentional, it would form a
curious commentary on Cibber's statement.
[19.1] Genest supposes that this incident occurred about June,
1704. But the Lord Chamberlain's Records of that time contain no note of it,
and Cibber's language scarcely bears the interpretation that three years
elapsed between Powell's leaving Drury Lane and returning to it, as was the
case at that time; for he was at Lincoln's Inn Fields for three seasons, 1702
to 1704. I find, however, a warrant, dated 14th November, 1705, to apprehend
Powell for refusing to act his part at the Haymarket, so that the audience had
to be dismissed, and for trying to raise a mutiny in the company. He was
ordered to be confined in the Porter's Lodge until further notice. On the 24th
November Rich was informed that Powell had deserted the Haymarket, and was
warned not to engage him. Now these desertions must have followed each other
pretty closely, for he was at Drury Lane in the beginning of 1705; at the
Haymarket in April of the same year; and about six months later had deserted
the latter. The sequel to this difficulty seems to be the silencing of Rich
for receiving Powell, on 5th March in the fifth year of Queen Anne's reign,
that is, 1707. Unless the transcriber of the Records has made a mistake in the
year, Powell was thus suspended for about eighteen months. It will be noticed
that Cibber does not say that he was acting the night after his release, but
merely that he was behind the scenes.
[20.1] Among the Lord Chamberlain's Records is a copy of a
decree suspending all performances at Drury Lane because Powell had been
allowed to play. This is dated 3rd May, 1698. His offence was that he had
drawn his sword on Colonel Stanhope and young Davenant. The suspension was
removed the following day; but on the 19th of the same month Powell was
forbidden to be received at either Drury Lane or Dorset Garden.
[21.1] A warrant was issued to apprehend Dogget and take him
to the Knight Marshall's Prison, on 23rd November, 1697, his offence being
desertion of the company of Drury Lane and Dorset Garden. The Records contain
no note as to the termination of the matter; but this is, beyond doubt, the
occasion referred to by Cibber.
-24-
CHAPTER XI.
Some Chimærical Thoughts of making the Stage
useful: Some, to its Reputation. The Patent unprofitable to all the
Proprietors but one. A fourth Part of it given away to Colonel Brett. A
Digression to his Memory. The two Companies of Actors reunited by his
Interest and Menagement. The first Direction of Operas only given to Mr.
Swiney.
FROM the Time that the Company of Actors in the Hay-Market
was recruited with those from Drury-Lane, and came into the Hands of
their new Director, Swiney, the Theatre for three or four Years
following suffer'd so many Convulsions, and was thrown every other Winter
under such different Interests and Menagement before it came to a firm
-25-
and lasting Settlement, that I am doubtful if the most candid Reader will have
Patience to go through a full and fair Account of it: And yet I would fain
flatter my self that those who are not too wise to frequent the Theatre (or
have Wit enough to distinguish what sort of Sights there either to Honour or
Disgrace to it) may think their national Diversion no contemptible Subject for
a more able Historian than I pretend to be: If I have any particular
Qualification for the Task more than another it is that I have been an ocular
Witness of the several Facts that are to fill up the rest of my Volume, and am
perhaps the only Person living (however unworthy) from whom the same Materials
can be collected; but let them come from whom they may, whether at best they
will be worth reading, perhaps a Judgment may be better form'd after a patient
Perusal of the following Digression.
In whatever cold Esteem the Stage may be among the Wise
and Powerful, it is not so much a Reproach to those who contentedly enjoy it
in its lowest Condition, as that Condition of it is to those who (though they
cannot but know to how valuable a publick Use a Theatre, well establish'd,
might be rais'd) yet in so many civiliz'd Nations have neglected it. This
perhaps will be call'd thinking my own wiser than all the wise Heads in Europe.
But I hope a more humble Sense will be given to it; at least I only mean, that
if so many Governments have their Reasons for their Disregard of their
Theatres, those
-26-
Reasons may be deeper than my Capacity has yet been able to dive into: If
therefore my simple Opinion is a wrong one, let the Singularity of it expose
me: And tho' I am only building a Theatre in the Air, it is there, however, at
so little Expence and in so much better a Taste than any I have yet seen, that
I cannot help saying of it, as a wiser Man did (it may be) upon a wiser
Occasion:
-- Si quid novisti rectius istis,
Candidus imperti; si non --
Hor. 26.1
Give me leave to play with my Project in Fancy.
I say, then, that as I allow nothing is more liable to
debase and corrupt the Minds of a People than a licentious Theatre, so under a
just and proper Establishment it were possible to make it as apparently the
School of Manners and of Virtue. Were I to collect all the Arguments that
might be given for my Opinion, or to inforce it by exemplary Proofs, it might
swell this short Digression to a Volume; I shall therefore trust the Validity
of what I have laid down to a single Fact that may be still fresh in the
Memory of many living Spectators. When the Tragedy of Cato was first
acted, 26.2 let us call to mind the noble Spirit of
Patriotism which that Play then infus'd into the Breasts of a free People that
crowded to it; with what affecting Force was that most elevated of Human
Virtues recommended? Even the false Pretenders to it felt an unwilling
Conviction,
-27-
and made it a Point of Honour to be foremost in their Approbation; and this,
too, at a time when the fermented Nation had their different Views of
Government. Yet the sublime Sentiments of Liberty in that venerable Character
rais'd in every sensible Hearer such conscious Admiration, such compell'd
Assent to the Conduct of a Suffering Virtue, as even demanded two
almost irreconcileable Parties to embrace and join in their equal Applauses of
it. 27.1 Now, not to take from the Merit of the Writer,
had that Play never come to the Stage, how much of this valuable Effect of it
must have been lost? It then could have had no more immediate weight with the
Publick than our poring upon the many ancient Authors thro' whose Works the
same Sentiments have been perhaps less profitably dispers'd, tho' amongst
Millions of Readers; but by bringing such Sentiments to the Theatre and into
Action, what a superior Lustre did they shine with? There Cato breath'd
again in Life; and though he perish'd in the Cause of Liberty, his Virtue was
victorious, and left the Triumph of it in the Heart of every melting
Spectator. If Effects like these are laudable, if the Representation of such
Plays can carry Conviction with so much Pleasure to the Understanding, have
-28-
they not vastly the Advantage of any other Human Helps to Eloquence? What
equal Method can be found to lead or stimulate the Mind to a quicker Sense of
Truth and Virtue, or warm a People into the Love and Practice of such
Principles as might be at once a Defence and Honour to their Country? In what
Shape could we listen to Virtue with equal Delight or Appetite of Instruction?
The Mind of Man is naturally free, and when he is compell'd or menac'd into
any Opinion that he does not readily conceive, he is more apt to doubt the
Truth of it than when his Capacity is led by Delight into Evidence and Reason.
To preserve a Theatre in this Strength and Purity of Morals is, I grant, what
the wisest Nations have not been able to perpetuate or to transmit long to
their Posterity: But this Difficulty will rather heighten than take from the
Honour of the Theatre: The greatest Empires have decay'd for want of proper
Heads to guide them, and the Ruins of them sometimes have been the Subject of
Theatres that could not be themselves exempt from as various Revolutions: Yet
may not the most natural inference from all this be, That the Talents
requisite to form good Actors, great Writers, and true Judges were, like those
of wise and memorable Ministers, as well the Gifts of Fortune as of Nature,
and not always to be found in all Climes or Ages. Or can there be a stronger
modern Evidence of the Value of Dramatick Performances than that in many
Countries where the Papal Religion prevails
-29-
the Holy Policy (though it allows not to an Actor Christian Burial) is so
conscious of the Usefulness of his Art that it will frequently take in the
Assistance of the Theatre to give even Sacred History, in a Tragedy, a
Recommendation to the more pathetick Regard of their People. How can such
Principles, in the Face of the World, refuse the Bones of a Wretch the lowest
Benefit of Christian Charity after having admitted his Profession (for which
they deprive him of that Charity) to serve the solemn Purposes of Religion?
How far then is this Religious Inhumanity short of that famous Painter's, who,
to make his Crucifix a Master-piece of Nature, stabb'd the Innocent
Hireling from whose Body he drew it; and having heighten'd the holy Portrait
with his last Agonies of Life, then sent it to be the consecrated Ornament of
an Altar? Though we have only the Authority of common Fame for this Story, yet
be it true or false the Comparison will still be just. Or let me ask another
Question more humanly political.
How came the Athenians to lay out an Hundred
Thousand Pounds upon the Decorations of one single Tragedy of Sophocles?
29.1 Not, sure, as it was merely a Spectacle for Idleness
or Vacancy of Thought to gape at, but because it was the most rational, most
instructive and delightful Composition that Human Wit had yet arrived at, and
consequently the most worthy to be the Entertainment of a wise and warlike
Nation: And it may be still a Question whether
-30-
the Sophocles inspir'd this Publick Spirit, or this Publick Spirit
inspir'd the Sophocles? 30.1
But alas! as the Power of giving or receiving such
Inspirations from either of these Causes seems pretty well at an End, now I
have shot my Bolt I shall descend to talk more like a Man of the Age I live
in: For, indeed, what is all this to a common English Reader? Why,
truly, as Shakespear terms it -- Caviare to the Multitude! 30.2
Honest John Trott will tell you, that if he were to believe what I have
said of the Athenians, he is at most but astonish'd at it; but that if
the twentieth Part of the Sum I have mentioned were to be apply'd out of the
Publick money to the Setting off the best Tragedy the nicest Noddle in the
Nation could produce, it would probably raise the Passions higher in those
that did Not like it than in those that did; it might as likely meet with an
Insurrection as the Applause of the People, and so, mayhap, be fitter for the
Subject of a Tragedy than for a publick Fund to support it. -- Truly, Mr. Trott,
I cannot but own that I am very much of your Opinion: I am only concerned that
the Theatre has not a better Pretence to the Care and further Consideration of
those Governments where it is tolerated; but as what I have said
-31-
will not probably do it any great Harm, I hope I have not put you out of
Patience by throwing a few good Wishes after an old Acquaintance.
To conclude this Digression. If for the Support of the
Stage what is generally shewn there must be lower'd to the Taste of common
Spectators; or if it is inconsistent with Liberty to mend that Vulgar Taste by
making the Multitude less merry there; or by abolishing every low and
senseless Jollity in which the Understanding can have no Share; whenever, I
say, such is the State of the Stage, it will be as often liable to
unanswerable Censure and manifest Disgraces. Yet there was a Time, not
yet out of many People's Memory, when it subsisted upon its own rational
Labours; when even Success attended an Attempt to reduce it to Decency; and
when Actors themselves were hardy enough to hazard their Interest in pursuit
of so dangerous a Reformation. And this Crisis I am my self as impatient as
any tir'd Reader can be to arrive at. I shall therefore endeavour to lead him
the shortest way to it. But as I am a little jealous of the badness of the
Road, I must reserve to myself the Liberty of calling upon any Matter in my
way, for a little Refreshment to whatever Company may have the Curiosity or
Goodness to go along with me.
When the sole Menaging Patentee at Drury-Lane for
several Years could never be persuaded or driven to any Account with the
Adventurers, Sir Thomas Skipwith (who, if I am rightly inform'd, had an
equal
-32-
Share with him 32.1 ) grew so weary of the Affair that he
actually made a Present of his entire Interest in it upon the following
Occasion.
Sir Thomas happen'd in the Summer preceding the
Re-union of the Companies to make a Visit to an intimate Friend of his,
Colonel Brett, of Sandywell, in Gloucestershire; where
the Plesantness of the Place, and the agreeable manner of passing his Time
there, had raised him to such a Gallantry of Heart, that in return to the
Civilities of his Friend the Colonel he made him an Offer of his whole Right
in the Patent; but not to overrate the Value of his Present, told him he
himself had made nothing of it these ten Years: But the Colonel (he said)
being a greater Favourite of the People in Power, and (as he believ'd) among
the Actors too, than himself was, might think of some Scheme to turn it to
Advantage, and in that Light, if he lik'd it, it was at
-33-
his Service. After a great deal of Raillery on both sides of what Sir Thomas
had not made of it, and the particular Advantages the Colonel was
likely to make of it, they came to a laughing Resolution That an Instrument
should be drawn the next Morning of an Absolute Conveyance of the Premises. A
Gentleman of the Law well known to them both happening to be a Guest there at
the same time, the next Day produced the Deed according to his Instructions,
In the Presence of whom and of others it was Sign'd, seal'd, and deliver'd to
the Purposes therein contain'd. 33.1
This Transaction may be another Instance (as I have
elsewhere observed) at how low a Value the Interests in a Theatrical License
were then held, tho' it was visible from the Success of Swiney in that
very Year that with tolerable Menagement they could at no time have fail'd of
being a profitable Purchase.
The next Thing to be consider'd was what the Colonel
should do with his new Theatrical Commission, which in another's Possession
had been of so little Importance. Here it may be necessary to premise that
this Gentleman was the first of any Consideration since my coming to the Stage
with whom I had contracted a Personal Intimacy; which might be the Reason why
in this Debate my Opinion had some Weight with him: Of this Intimacy, too, I
am the more tempted to talk from the natural Pleasure
-34-
of calling back in Age the Pursuits and happy Ardours of Youth long past,
which, like the Ideas of a delightful Spring in a Winter's Rumination, are
sometimes equal to the former Enjoyment of them. I shall, therefore, rather
chuse in this Place to gratify my self than my Reader, by setting the fairest
Side of this Gentleman in view, and by indulging a little conscious Vanity in
shewing how early in Life I fell into the Possession of so agreeable a
Companion: Whatever failings he might have to others, he had none to me; nor
was he, where he had them, without his valuable Qualities to balance or soften
them. Let, then, what was not to be commended in him rest with his Ashes,
never to be rak'd into: But the friendly Favours I received from him while
living give me still a Pleasure in paying this only Mite of my Acknowledgment
in my Power to his Memory. And if my taking this Liberty may find Pardon from
several of his fair Relations still living, for whom I profess the utmost
Respect, it will give me but little Concern tho' my critical Reader should
think it all Impertinence.
This Gentleman, then, Henry, was the eldest Son of
Henry Brett, Esq; of Cowley, in Gloucestershire, who
coming early to his Estate of about Two Thousand a Year, by the usual
Negligences of young Heirs had, before this his eldest Son came of age, sunk
it to about half that Value, and that not wholly free from Incumbrances. Mr. Brett,
whom I am speaking of, had his Education, and I might say,
-35-
ended it, at the University of Oxford; for tho' he was settled some
time after at the Temple, he so little followed the Law there that his
Neglect of it made the Lay (like some of his fair and frail Admirers) very
often follow him. As he had an uncommon Share of Social Wit and a
handsom Person, with a sanguine Bloom in his Complexion, no wonder they
persuaded him that he might have a better Chance of Fortune by throwing such
Accomplishments into the gayer World than by shutting them up in a Study. The
first View that fires the Head of a young Gentleman of this modish Ambition
just broke loose from Business, is to cut a Figure (as they call it) in a
Side-box at the Play, from whence their next Step is to the Green Room
behind the Scenes, sometimes their Non ultra. Hither at last, then, in
this hopeful Quest of his Fortune, came this Gentleman-Errant, not doubting
but the fickle Dame, while he was thus qualified to receive her, might be
tempted to fall into his Lap. And though possibly the Charms of our Theatrical
Nymphs might have their Share in drawing him thither, yet in my Observation
the most visible Cause of his first coming was a more sincere Passion he had
conceived for a fair full-bottom'd Perriwig which I then wore in my first Play
of the Fool in Fashion in the Year 1695. 35.1 For
it is to be noted that the Beaux of those Days were of a quite
different Cast from the modern Stamp, and had
-36-
more of the Stateliness of the Peacock in their Mien than (which now seems to
be their highest Emulation) the pert Air of a Lapwing. Now, whatever Contempt
Philosophers may have for a fine Perriwig, my Friend, who was not to despise
the World, but to live in it, knew very well that so material an Article of
Dress upon the Head of a Man of Sense, if it became him, could never fail of
drawing to him a more partial Regard and Benevolence than could possibly be
hoped for in an ill-made one. 36.1 This perhaps may
soften the grave Censure which so youthful a Purchase might otherwise have
laid upon him: In a Word, he made his Attack upon this Perriwig, as your young
Fellows generally do upon a Lady of Pleasure, first by a few familiar Praises
of her Person, and then a civil Enquiry into the Price of it. But upon his
observing me a little surprized at the Levity of his Question about a Fop's
Perriwig, he began to railly himself with so much Wit and Humour upon the
Folly of his Fondness for it, that he struck me with an equal Desire of
granting any thing in my
-37-
Power to oblige so facetious a Customer. This singular Beginning of our
Conversation, and the mutual Laughs that ensued upon it, ended in an Agreement
to finish our Bargain that Night over a Bottle.
If it were possible the Relation of the happy
Indiscretions which passed between us that Night could give the tenth Part of
the Pleasure I then received from them, I could still repeat them with
Delight: But as it may be doubtful whether the Patience of a Reader may be
quite so strong as the Vanity of an Author, I shall cut it short by only
saying that single Bottle was the Sire of many a jolly Dozen that for some
Years following, like orderly Children, whenever they were call'd for, came
into the same Company. Nor, indeed, did I think from that time, whenever he
was to be had, any Evening could be agreeably enjoy'd without him. 37.1
But the long continuance of our Intimacy perhaps may be thus accounted for.
He who can taste Wit in another may in some sort be said
to have it himself: Now, as I always
-38-
had, and (I bless my self for the Folly) still have a quick Relish of whatever
did or can give me Delight: This Gentleman could not but see the youthful Joy
I was generally raised to whenever I had the Happiness of a Tête à tête
with him; and it may be a moot Point whether Wit is not as often inspired by a
proper Attention as by the brightest Reply to it. Therefore, as he had Wit
enough for any two People, and I had Attention enough for any four, there
could not well be wanting a sociable Delight on either side. And tho' it may
be true that a Man of a handsome Person is apt to draw a partial Ear to every
thing he says; yet this Gentleman seldom said any thing that might not have
made a Man of the plainest Person agreeable. Such a continual Desire to
please, it may be imagined, could not but sometimes lead him into a little
venial Flattery rather than not succeed in it. And I, perhaps, might be one of
those Flies that was caught in this Honey. As I was then a young successful
Author and an Actor in some unexpected Favour, whether deservedly or not
imports not; yet such Appearances at least were plausible Pretences enough for
an amicable Adulation to enlarge upon, and the Sallies of it a less Vanity
than mine might not have been able to resist. Whatever this Weakness on my
side might be, I was not alone in it; for I have heard a Gentleman of
Condition say, who knew the World as well as most Men that live in it, that
let his Discretion be ever so much upon its Guard, he never fell into Mr. Brett's
-39-
Company without being loth to leave it or carrying away a better Opinion of
himself from it. If his Conversation had this Effect among the Men; what must
we suppose to have been the Consequence when he gave it a yet softer turn
among the Fair Sex? Here, now, a French Novellist would tell you fifty
pretty Lies of him; but as I chuse to be tender of Secrets of that sort, I
shall only borrow the good Breeding of that Language, and tell you in a Word,
that I knew several Instances of his being un Homme à bonne Fortune.
But though his frequent Successes might generally keep him from the usual
Disquiets of a Lover, he knew this was a Life too liquorish to last; and
therefore had Reflexion enough to be govern'd by the Advice of his Friends to
turn these his Advantages of Nature to a better use.
Among the many Men of Condition with whom his
Conversation had recommended him to an Intimacy, Sir Thomas Skipwith
had taken a particular Inclination to him; and as he had the Advancement of
his Fortune at Heart, introduced him where there was a Lady 39.1
who had enough in her Power to disencumber him of the World and make him every
way easy for Life.
While he was in pursuit of this Affair, which no time was
to be lost in (for the Lady was to be in
-40-
Town but for three Weeks) I one Day found him idling behind the Scenes before
the Play was begun. Upon sight of him I took the usual Freedom he allow'd me,
to rate him roundly for the Madness of not improving every Moment in his Power
in what was of such consequence to him. Why are you not (said I) where you
know you only should be? If your design should once get Wind in the Town, the
Ill-will of your Enemies of the Sincerity of the Lady's Friends may soon blow
up your Hopes, which in your Circumstances of Life cannot be long supported by
the bare Appearance of a Gentleman. -- But it is impossible to proceed without
some Apology for the very familiar Circumstance that is to follow -- Yet, as
it might not be so trivial in its Effect as I fear it may be in the Narration,
and is a Mark of that Intimacy which is necessary should be known had been
between us, I will honestly make bold with my Scruples and let the plain Truth
of my Story take its Chance for Contempt or Approbation.
After twenty Excuses to clear himself of the Neglect I
had so warmly charged him with, he concluded them with telling me he had been
out all the Morning upon Business, and that his Linnen was too much soil'd to
be seen in Company. O, ho! said I, is that all? Come along with me, we will
soon get over that dainty Difficulty: Upon which I haul'd him by the Sleeve
into my Shifting-Room, he either staring, laughing, or hanging back all the
way. There, when I had lock'd him in, I began to strip off
-41-
my upper Cloaths, and bad him do the same; still her either did not, or would
not seem to understand me, and continuing his Laugh, cry'd, What! is the Puppy
mad? No, no, only positive, said I; for look you, in short, the Play is ready
to begin, and the Parts that you and I are to act to Day are not of equal
consequence; mine of young Reveller (in Greenwich-Park 41.1
) is but a Rake; but whatever you may be, you are not to appear so; therefore
take my Shirt and give me yours; for depend upon't, stay here you shall not,
and so go about your Business. To conclude, we fairly chang'd Linnen, nor
could his Mother's have wrap'd him up more fortunately; for in about ten Days
he marry'd the Lady. 41.2 In a Year or Two after his
Marriage he was chosen a Member of that Parliament which was sitting when
-42-
King William dy'd. And, upon raising of some new Regiments, was made
Lieutenant-Colonel to that of Sir Charles Hotham. But as his Ambition
extended not beyond the Bounds of a Park Wall and a pleasant Retreat in the
Corner of it, which with too much Expence he had just finish'd, he, within
another Year, had leave to resign his Company to a younger Brother.
This was the Figure in Life he mad when Sir Thomas
Skipwith thought him the most proper Person to oblige (if it could be an
Obligation) with the Present of his Interest in the Patent. And from these
Anecdotes of my Intimacy with him, it may be less a Surprise, when he came to
Town invested with this new Theatrical Power, that I should be the first
Person to whom he took any Notice of it. And notwithstanding he knew I was
then engag'd, in another Interest, at the Hay-Market, he desired we
might consider together of the best Use he could make of it, assuring me at
the same time he should think it of none to himself unless it could in some
Shape be turn'd to my Advantage. This friendly Declaration, though it might be
generous in him to make, was not needful to incline me in whatever might be
honestly in my Power, whether by Interest or Negotiation, to serve him. My
first Advice,
-43-
therefore, was, That he should produce his Deed to the other Menaging Patentee
of Drury-Lane, and demand immediate Entrance to a joint Possession of
all Effects and Powers to which that Deed had given him an equal Title. After
which, if he met with no Opposition to this Demand (as upon sight of it he did
not) that he should be watchful against any Contradiction from his Collegue in
whatever he might propose in carrying on the Affair, but to let him see that
he was determin'd in all his Measures. Yet to heighten that Resolution with an
Ease and Temper in his manner, as if he took it for granted there could be no
Opposition made to whatever he had in mind to. For that this Method, added to
his natural Talent of Persuading, would imperceptibly lead his Collegue into a
Reliance on his superior Understanding, That however little he car'd for
Business he should give himself the Air at least of Enquiry into what had
been done, that what he intended to do might be thought more considerable and
be the readier comply'd with: For if he once suffer'd his Collegue to seem
wiser than himself, there would be no end of his perplexing him with absurd
and dilatory Measures; direct and plain Dealing being a Quality his natural
Diffidence would never suffer him to be Master of; of which his not complying
with his Verbal Agreement with Swiney, when the Hay-Market House
was taken for both their Uses, was an Evidence. And though some People thought
it Depth and Policy in him to keep things often in
-44-
Confusion, it was every my Opinion they over-rated his Skill, and that, in
reality, his Parts were too weak for his Post, in which he had always acted to
the best of his Knowledge. That his late Collegue, Sir Thomas Shipwith,
had trusted too much to his Capacity for this sort of Business, and was
treated by him accordingly, without ever receiving any Profits from it for
several Years: Insomuch that when he found his Interest in such desperate
Hands he thought the best thing he could do with it was (as he saw) to give it
away. Therefore if he (Mr. Brett) could once fix himself, as I had
advis'd, upon a different Foot with this hitherto untractable Menager, the
Business would soon run through whatever Channel he might have a mind to lead
it. And though I allow'd the greatest Difficulty he would meet with would be
in getting his Consent to a Union of the two Companies, which was the only
Scheme that could raise the Patent to its former Value, and which I knew this
close Menager would secretly lay all possible Rubs in the way to; yet it was
visible there was a way of reducing him to Compliance: For though it was true
his Caution would never part with a Straw by way of Concession, yet to a high
Hand he would give up any thing, provided he were suffer'd to keep his Title
to it: If his Hat were taken from his Head in the Street, he would make no
farther Resistance than to say, I am not willing to part with it. Much
less would he have the Resolution openly to oppose any just
-45-
Measures, when he should find one, who with an equal Right to his and with a
known Interest to bring them about, was resolv'd to go thro' with them.
Now though I knew my Friend was as thoroughly acquainted
with this Patentee's Temper as myself, yet I thought it not amiss to quicken
and support his Resolution, by confirming to him the little Trouble he would
meet with, in pursuit of the Union I had advis'd him to; for it must be known
that on our side Trouble was a sort of Physick we did not much care to take:
But as the Fatigue of this Affair was likely to be lower'd by a good deal of
Entertainment and Humour, which would naturally engage him in his dealing with
so exotick a Partner, I knew that this softening the Business into a Diversion
would lessen every Difficulty that lay in our way to it.
However copiously I may have indulg'd my self in this
Commemoration of a Gentleman with whom I had pass'd so many of my younger Days
with Pleasure, yet the Reader may by this Insight into his Character, and by
that of the other Patentee, be better able to judge of the secret Springs that
gave Motion to or obstructed so considerable an Event as that of the Re-union
of the two Companies of Actors in 1708. 45.1 In Histories
of more weight, for want of such Particulars we are often deceiv'd in the true
Causes of Facts that most concern us to be let into; which sometimes makes us
ascribe to Policy, or false
-46-
Appearances of Wisdom, what perhaps in reality was the mere Effect of Chance
or Humour.
Immediately after Mr. Brett was admitted as a
joint Patentee, he made use of the Intimacy he had with the Vice-Chamberlain
to assist his Scheme of this intended Union, in which he so far prevail'd that
it was soon after left to the particular Care of the same Vice-Chamberlain to
give him all the Aid and Power necessary to the bringing what he desired to
Perfection. The Scheme was, to have but one Theatre for Plays and another for
Operas, under separate Interests. And this the generality of Spectators, as
well as the most approv'd Actors, had been some time calling for as the only
Expedient to recover the Credit of the Stage and the valuable Interests of its
Menagers.
As the Condition of the Comedians at this time is taken
notice of in my Dedication of the Wife's Resentment to the
Marquis (now Duke) of Kent, and then Lord-Chamberlain, which was
publish'd above thirty Years ago, 46.1 when I had no
thought of ever troubling the World with this Theatrical History, I see no
Reason why it may not pass as a Voucher of the Facts I am now speaking of; I
shall therefore give them in the very Light I then saw them. After some
Acknowledgment for his Lordship's Protection of our (Hay-Market)
Theatre, it is further said --
"The Stage has, for many Years, 'till of late,
-47-
"groan'd under the greatest Discouragements, which "have been very
much, if not wholly, owing to the "Mismenagement of those that have
aukwardly "govern'd it. Great Sums have been ventur'd upon "empty
Projects and Hopes of immoderate Gains, "and when those Hopes have
fail'd, the Loss has "been tyrannically deducted out of the Actors
"Sallary. And if your Lordship had not redeem'd "them -- This is
meant of our being suffer'd to come "over to Swiney -- they
were very near being "wholly laid aside, or, at least, the Use of their
"Labour was to be swallow'd up in the pretended "Merit of Singing
and Dancing."
What follows relates to the Difficulties in dealing with
the then impracticable Menager, viz.
" -- And though your Lordship's Tenderness of
"oppressing is so very just that you have rather "staid to convince
a Man of your good Intentions "to him than to do him even a Service
against his "Will; yet since your Lordship has so happily begun "the
Establishment of the separate Diversions, we "live in hope that the same
Justice and Resolution "will still persuade you to go as successfully
through "with it. But while any Man is suffer'd to confound "the
Industry and Use of them by acting publickly "in opposition to your
Lordship's equal Intentions, "under a false and intricate Pretence of not
being "able to comply with then, the Town is likely to "be more
entertain'd with the private Dissensions "than the publick Performance of
either, and the
-48-
"Actors in a perpetual Fear and Necessity of "petitioning your
Lordship every Season for new "Relief."
Such was the State of the Stage immediately preceding the
time of Mr. Brett's being admitted a joint Patentee, who, as he saw
with clearer Eyes what was its evident Interest, left no proper Measures
unattempted to make this so long despair'd-of Union practicable. The most
apparent Difficulty to be got over in this Affair was, what could be done for Swiney
in consideration of his being oblig'd to give up those Actors whom the Power
and Choice of the Lord-Chamberlain had the Year before set him at the Head of,
and by whose Menagement those Actors had found themselves in a prosperous
Condition. But an Accident at this time happily contributed to make that
Matter easy. The Inclination of our People of Quality for foreign Operas had
now reach'd the Ears of Italy, and the Credit of their Taste had drawn
over from thence, without any more particular Invitation, one of their capital
Singers, the famous Signior Cavaliero Nicolini: From whose Arrival, and
the Impatience of the Town to hear him, it was concluded that Operas being now
so completely provided could not fail of Success, and that by making Swiney
sole Director of them the Profits must be an ample Compensation for his
Resignation of the Actors. This Matter being thus adjust by Swiney's
Acceptance of the Opera only to be perform'd at the Hay-Market House,
the
-49-
Actors were all order'd to return to Drury-Lane, there to remain (under
the Patentees) her Majesty's only Company of Comedians. 49.1
[26.1] Horace, Epis., i. 6, 68.
[26.2] At Drury Lane, 14th April, 1713.
[27.1] This is a pretty way of putting what Johnson, in his
Life of Addison, afterwards stated in the well-known words: "The Whigs
applauded every line in which Liberty was mentioned, as a satire on the
Tories; and the Tories echoed every clap to show that the satire was
unfelt." In the next paragraph Johnson describes the play as
"supported by the emulation of factious praise."
[29.1] I confess I do not know Cibber's authority for this
statement.
[30.1] "The Laureat" abuses Cibber for this
sentence, declaring that he evidently considered Sophocles" to be the
name of a tragedy. But Cibber's method of expression, though curious, does not
justify this attack.
[30.2] "Caviare to the general." --
"Hamlet," act ii. sc. 2.
[32.1] Malone supposes that Skipwith acquired his shares from
the Killigrew family, but in the indenture by which he transferred his
interest to Brett, it seems as if he had acquired part of it from Alexander
Davenant, and the remainder by buying up shares of the original Adventurers.
The indenture will be found at length in Mr. Percy Fitzgerald's "New
History of the English Stage," i. 252. Skipwith is described in the
"Biog. Dram." (i. 487) as "a weak, vain, conceited
coxcomb." The proportion in which the shares were divided among the
various holders is shown by the "Opinion" of Northey and Raymond, in
1711, to have been this: Three-twentieths belonged to Charles Killigrew. The
remainder was divided into tenths, of which two-tenths belonged to Rich; the
other eight parts were owned by the Mortgagees or Adventurers. If Cibber's
supposition is correct, two of these parts belonged to Shipwith.
[33.1] It is dated 6th October, 1707.
[35.1] As noted vol. i. p. 213, January, 1695, Old Style; that
is, January, 1696.
[36.1] Davies ("Dram. Misc.," iii. 84) says:
"The heads of the English actors were, for a long time, covered with
large full-bottomed perriwigs, a fashion introduced in the reign of Charles
II., which was not entirely disused in public till about the year 1720.
Addison, Congreve, and Steele, met a Button's coffee-house, in large, flowing,
flaxen wigs; Booth, Wilks, and Cibber, when full-dressed, wore the same. Till
within these twenty-five years, our Tamerlanes and Catos had as much hair on
their heads as our judges on the bench....I have been told, that he [Booth]
and Wilks bestowed forty guineas each on the exorbitant thatching of their
heads."
[37.1] "The Laureat," p. 66, relates with great
acrimony an anecdote of Colonel Brett's reproving Cibber harshly for his
treatment of an author who had submitted a play to him. Cibber is said to have
opened the author's MS., and, having read two lines only, to have returned it
to him saying, "Sir, it will not do." Going to Button's, he related
his exploit with great glee, but was rebuked in the strongest terms by Colonel
Brett, who is said to have put him to shame before the whole company. This is
related as having occurred many years after the time Cibber now writes of; the
suggestion being that Brett did not consider Cibber as a friend.
[39.1] This was the Countess of Macclesfield, the supposed
mother of Richard Savage, who had a large fortune in her own right, of which
she was not deprived on her divorce from the Earl of Macclesfield. Shortly
after her divorce, probably about 1698, she married Brett. She lived to be
eighty, or over it, dying 11th October, 1753.
[41.1] A comedy by Mountfort the actor, originally played at
the Theatre Royal, 1691. The part of Young Reveller was then taken by the
author, and we have no record of Cibber's playing it before 1708; but from
this anecdote he must have done so ten years earlier.
[41.2] In Boswell's Life of Johnson (i. 174) there is a note by Boswell
himself: --
"Miss Mason, after having forfeited the title of Lady
Macclesfield by divorce, was married to Colonel Brett, and, it is said, was
well known in all the polite circles. Colley Cibber, I am informed, had so
high an opinion of her taste and judgement as to genteel life, and manners,
that he submitted every scene of his Careless Husband to Mrs. Brett's
revisal and correction. Colonel Brett was reported to be too free in his
gallantry with his Lady's maid. Mrs. Brett came into a room one day in her
own house, and found the Colonel and her maid both fast asleep in two
chairs. She tied a white handkerchief round her husband's neck, which was a
sufficient proof that she had discovered his intrigue; but she never at any
time took notice of it to him. This incident, as I am told, gave occasion to
the well-wrought scene of Sir Charles and Lady Easy and Edging."
[45.1] See note, vol. i. p. 301.
[46.1] 1707. See note on page 3 of this vol.
[49.1] The edict which ordered this division of plays and
operas is dated 31st December 1707. Each theatre is ordered to confine itself
to its own sphere on pain of being silenced; and no other theatre is permitted
to be built. A copy of the edict is given by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald ("New
History," i. 258), but it is not a verbatim copy of the original
in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, though it contains all that is of importance
in it.
-50-
CHAPTER XII.
A short View of the Opera when first divided from
the Comedy. Plays recover their Credit. The old Patentee uneasy at their
Success. Why. The Occasion of Colonel Brett's throwing up his Share
in the Patent. The Consequences of it. Anecdotes of Goodman the
Actor. The Rate of favourite Actors in his Time. The Patentees, by
endeavouring to reduce their Price, lose them all a second time. The
principal Comedians return to the Hay-Market in Shares with
Swiney. They alter that Theatre. The original and present Form of the
Theatre in Drury-Lane compared. Operas fall off. The Occasion of it.
Farther Observations upon them. The Patentee dispossess'd of Drury-Lane Theatre.
Mr. Collier, with a new License, heads the Remains of that Company.
PLAYS and Operas being thus established upon separate
Interests, 50.1 they were now left to make
-51-
the best of their way into Favour by their different Merit. Although the Opera
is not a Plant of our Native Growth, nor what our plainer Appetites are fond
of, and is of so delicate a Nature that without excessive Charge it cannot
live long among us; especially while the nicest Connoisseurs in Musick
fall into such various Heresies in Taste, every Sect pretending to be the true
one: Yet, as it is call'd a Theatrical Entertainment, and by its Alliance or
Neutrality has more or less affected our Domestick Theatre, a short View of
its Progress may be allow'd a Place in our History.
After this new Regulation the first Opera that appear'd
was Pyrrhus. Subscriptions at that time were not extended, as of late,
to the whole Season, but were limited to the first Six Days only of a new
Opera. The chief Performers in this were Nicolini, Valentini, and Mrs. Tofts;
51.1 and for the inferior Parts the best that were then
to be found. Whatever Praises may have been given to the most famous Voices
that have been heard since Nicolini, upon the whole I cannot but come
into the Opinion that still prevails among several Persons of Condition who
are able to give a Reason for their liking, that no Singer since his Time has
so justly and gracefully
-52-
acquitted himself in whatever Character he appear'd as Nicolini. At
most the Difference between him and the greatest Favourite of the Ladies, Farinelli,
amounted but to this, that he might sometimes more exquisitely surprize us,
but Nicolini (by pleasing the Eye as well as the Ear) fill'd us with a
more various and rational Delight. Whether in this Excellence he has
since had any Competitor, perhaps will be better judg'd by what the Critical
Censor of Great Britain says of him in his 115th Tatler, viz.
"Nicolini sets off the Character he bears in
an "Opera by his Action, as much as he does the "Words of it by his
Voice; every Limb and Finger "contributes to the Part he acts, insomuch
that a "deaf Man might go along with him in the Sense "of it. There
is scarce a beautiful Posture in an "old Statue which he does not plant
himself in, as "the different Circumstances of the Story give occasion
"for it -- He performs the most ordinary "Action in a manner
suitable to the Greatness of "his Character, and shews the Prince even in
the "giving of a Letter or dispatching of a Message, "&c."
52.1
-53-
His Voice at this first time of being among us (for he
made us a second Visit when it was impair'd) had all that strong, clear
Sweetness of Tone so lately admir'd in Senesino. A blind Man could
scarce have distinguish'd them; but in Volubility of Throat the former had
much the Superiority. This so excellent Performer's Agreement was Eight
Hundred Guineas for the Year, which is but an eighth Part more than half the
Sum that has since been given to several that could never totally surpass him:
The Consequence of which is, that the Losses by Operas, for several Seasons,
to the End of the Year 1738, have been so great, that those Gentlemen of
Quality who last undertook the Direction of them, found it ridiculous any
longer to entertain the Publick at so extravagant
-54-
an Expence, while no one particular Person thought himself oblig'd by it.
Mrs. Tofts, 54.1 who took her
first Grounds of Musick here in her own Country, before the Italian
Taste had so highly prevail'd, was then not an Adept in it: 54.2
Yet whatever Defect the fashionably Skilful might find in her manner, she had,
in the general Sense of her Spectators, Charms that few of the most learned
Singers ever arrive at. The Beauty of her fine proportion'd Figure, and
exquisitely sweet, silver Tone of her Voice, with that peculiar, rapid
Swiftness of her Throat, were Perfections not
Owen Swiney
-55-
to be imitated by Art or Labour. Valentini I have already mention'd,
therefore need only say farther of him, that though he was every way inferior
to Nicolini, 55.1 yet, as he had the Advantage of
giving us our first Impression of a good Opera Singer, he had still his
Admirers, and was of great Service in being so skilful a Second to his
Superior.
Three such excellent Performers in the same kind of
Entertainment at once, England till this Time had never seen: Without
any farther Comparison, then, with the much dearer bought who have succeeded
them, their Novelty at least was a Charm that drew vast Audiences of the fine
World after them. Swiney, their sole Director, was prosperous, and in
one Winter a Gainer by them of a moderate younger Brother's Fortune. But as
Musick, by so profuse a Dispensation of her Beauties, could not always supply
our dainty Appetites with equal Variety, nor for ever please us with the same
Objects, the Opera, after one luxurious Season, like the fine Wife of a roving
Husband, began to loose its Charms, and every Day discover'd to our Satiety
Imperfections which our former Fondness has been blind to: But of this I shall
observe
-56-
more in its Place: in the mean time, let us enquire into the Productions of
our native Theatre.
It may easily be conceiv'd, that by this entire Reunion
of the two Companies Plays must generally have been perform'd to a more than
usual Advantage and Exactness: For now every chief Actor, according to his
particular Capacity, piqued himself upon rectifying those Errors which during
their divided State were almost unavoidable. Such a Choice of Actors added a
Richness to every good Play as it was then serv'd up to the publick
Entertainment: The common People crowded to them with a more joyous
Expectation, and those of the higher Taste return'd to them as to old
Acquaintances, with new Desires after a long Absence. In a Word, all Parties
seem'd better pleas'd but he who one might imagine had most Reason to be so,
the (lately) sole menaging Patentee. He, indeed, saw his Power daily
mould'ring from his own Hands into those of Mr. Brett, 56.1
whose
-57-
Gentlemanly manner of making every one's Business easy to him, threw their old
Master under a Disregard which he had not been us'd to, nor could with all his
happy Change of Affairs support. Although this grave Theatrical Minister of
whom I have been oblig'd to make such frequent mention, had acquired the
Reputation of a most profound Politician by being often incomprehensible, yet
I am not sure that his Conduct at this Juncture gave us not an evident Proof
that he was, like other frail Mortals, more a Slave to his Passions than his
Interest; for no Creature ever seem'd more fond of Power that so little knew
how to use it to his Profit and Reputation; otherwise he could not possibly
have been so discontented, in his secure and prosperous State of the Theatre,
as to resolve at all Hazards to destroy it. We shall now see what infallible
Measures he took to bring this laudable Scheme to Perfection.
He plainly saw that, as this disagreeable Prosperity was
chiefly owing to the Conduct of Mr. Brett, there could be no hope of
recovering the State to its former Confusion but by finding some effectual
Means to make Mr. Brett weary of his Charge: The most probable he could
for the Present think of, in this Distress, was to call in the Adventurers
(whom for many Years, by his Defence in Law, he had kept out) now to take care
of their visibly improving Interests. 57.1 This fair
Appearance of Equity being
-58-
known to be his own Proposal, he rightly guess'd would incline these
Adventurers to form a Majority of Votes on his Side in all Theatrical
Questions, and consequently become a Check upon the Power of Mr. Brett,
who had so visibly alienated the Hearts of his Theatrical Subjects, and now
began to govern without him. When the Adventurers, therefore, were re-admitted
to their old Government, after having recommended himself to them by proposing
to make some small Dividend of the Profits (though he did not design that Jest
should be repeated) he took care that the Creditors of the Patent, who were
then no inconsiderable Body, should carry off the every Weeks clear Profits in
proportion to their several Dues and Demands. This Conduct, so speciously
just, he had Hopes would let Mr. Brett see that his Share in the Patent
was not so valuable an Acquisition as perhaps he might think it; and probably
make a Man of his Turn to Pleasure soon weary of the little Profit and great
Plague it gave him. Now, though these might be all notable Expedients, yet I
-59-
cannot say they would have wholly contributed to Mr. Brett's quitting
his Post, had not a Matter of much stronger Moment, an unexpected Dispute
between him and Sir Thomas Skipwith, prevailed with him to lay it down:
For int he midst of this flourishing State of the Patent, Mr. Brett was
surpriz'd with a Subpoena into Chancery from Sir Thomas Skipwith, who
alledg'd in his Bill that the Conveyance he had made of his Interest in the
Patent to Mr. Brett was only intended in Trust. (Whatever the Intent
might be, the Deed it self, which I then read, made no mention of any Trust
whatever.) But whether Mr. Brett, as Sir Thomas farther
asserted, had previously, or after the Deed was sign'd, given his Word of
Honour that if he should ever make the Stage turn to any Account or Profit, he
would certainly restore it: That, indeed, I can say nothing to; but be the
Deed valid or void, the Facts that apparently follow'd were, that tho' Mr. Brett
in his Answer to this Bill absolutely deny'd his receiving this Assignment
either in Trust or upon any limited Condition of what kind soever, yet he made
no farther Defence in the Cause. But since he found Sir Thomas had
thought fit on any Account to sue for the Restitution of it, and Mr. Brett
being himself conscious that, as the World knew he had paid no Consideration
for it, his keeping it might be misconstrued, or not favourably spoken of; or
perhaps finding, tho's the Profits were great, they were constantly swallowed
up (as has been observ'd) by the previous Satisfaction
-60-
of old Debts, he grew so tir'd of the Plague and Trouble the whole Affair had
given him, and was likely still to engage him in, that in a few Weeks after he
withdrew himself from all Concern with the Theatre, and quietly left Sir Thomas
to find his better Account in it. And thus stood this undecided Right till,
upon the Demise of Sir Thomas, Mr. Brett being allow'd the
Charges he had been at in this Attendance and Prosecution of the Union,
reconvey'd this Share of the Patent to Sir George Skipwith, the Son and
Heir of Sir Thomas. 60.1
Our Politician, the old Patentee, having thus fortunately
got rid of Mr. Brett, who had so rashly brought the Patent once more to
be a profitable Tenure, was now again at Liberty to chuse rather to lose all
than not to have it all to himself.
I have elsewhere observ'd that nothing can so effectually
secure the Strength, or contribute to the Prosperity of a good Company, as the
Directors of it having always, as near as possible, an amicable Understanding
with three or four of their best Actors, whose good or ill-will must naturally
make a wide Difference in their profitable or useless manner of serving them:
While the Principal are kept reasonably easy the lower Class can never be
troublesome without hurting themselves: But when a valuable Actor is hardly
treated, the Master must be a very
-61-
cunning Man that finds his Account in it. We shall now see how far Experience
will verify this Observation.
The Patentees thinking themselves secure in being
restor'd to their former absolute Power over this now only Company, chose
rather to govern it by the Reverse of the Method I have recommended: For tho'
the daily Charge of their united Company amounted not, by a good deal, to what
either of the two Companies now in Drury-Lane or Covent-Garden
singly arises, they notwithstanding fell into their former Politicks of
thinking every Shilling taken from a hired Actor so much clear Gain to the
Proprietor: Many of their People, therefore, were actually, if not
injudiciously, reduced in their Pay, and others given to understand the same
Fate was design'd them; of which last Number I my self was one; which occurs
to my Memory by the Answer I made to one of the Adventurers, who, in
Justification of their intended Proceeding, 61.1 told me
that my Sallary, tho' it should be less than it was by ten Shillings a Week,
would still be more than ever Goodman had, who was abetter Actor than I
could pretend to be: To which I reply'd, This may be true, but then you know,
Sir, it is as true that Goodman was forced to go upon the High-way for
-62-
a Livelihood. As this was a known Fact of Goodman, my mentioning it on
that Occasion I believe was of Service to me; at least my Sallary was not
reduced after it. To say a Word or two more of Goodman, so celebrated
an Actor in his Time, perhaps may set the Conduct of the Patentees in a
clearer Light. Tho' Goodman had left the Stage before I came to it, I
had some slight Acquaintance with him. About the Time of his being expected to
be an Evidence against Sir John Fenwick in the Assassination-Plot, 62.1
in 1696, I happen'd to meet him at Dinner at Sir Thomas Skipwith's who,
as he was an agreeable Companion himself, liked Goodman for the same
Quality. Here it was that Goodman, without
-63-
Disguise or sparing himself, fell into a laughing Account of several loose
Passages of his younger Life; as his being expell'd the University of Cambridge
for being one of the hot-headed Sparks who were concern'd in the cutting and
defacing the Duke of Monmouth's Picture, then Chancellor of that Place.
But this Disgrace, it seems, had not disqualified him for the Stage, which,
like the Sea-Service, refuses no Man for his Morals that is able-bodied:
There, as an Actor, he soon grew into a different Reputation; but whatever his
Merit might be, the Pay of a hired Hero in those Days was so very low that he
was forced, it seems, to take the Air (as he call'd it) and borrow what Money
the first Man he met had about him. But this being his first Exploit of that
kind which the Scantiness of his Theatrical Fortune had reduced him to, King James
was prevail'd upon to pardon him: Which Goodman said was doing him so
particular an Honour that no Man could wonder if his Acknowledgment had
carried him a little farther than ordinary into the Interest of that Prince:
But as he had lately been out of Luck in backing his old Master, he had now no
way to get home the Life he was out upon his Account but by being under the
same Obligations to King William.
Another Anecdote of him, though not quite so
dishonourably enterprizing, which I had from his own Mouth at a different
Time, will equally shew to what low Shifts in Life the poor Provision for good
-64-
Actors, under the early Government of the Patent, reduced them. In the younger
Days of their Heroism, Captain Griffin and Goodman were confined
by their moderate Sallaries to the Oeconomy of lying together in the same Bed
and having but one whole Shirt between them: One of them being under the
Obligation of a Rendezvous with a fair Lady, insisted upon his wearing it out
of his Turn, which occasion'd so high a Dispute that the Combat was
immediately demanded, and accordingly their Pretensions to it were decided by
a fair Tilt upon the Spot, in the Room where they lay: But whether Clytus
or Alexander was obliged to see no Company till a worse could be wash'd
for him, seems not to be a material Point in their History, or to my Purpose. 64.1
By this Rate of Goodman, who, 'till the Time of
his quitting the Stage never had more than what is call'd forty Shillings a
Week, it may be judg'd how cheap the Labour of Actors had been formerly; and
the Patentees thought it a Folly to continue the higher Price, (which their
Divisions had since raised them to) now there was but one Market for them; but
alas! they had forgot their former fatal Mistake of squabbling with their
Actors in 1695; 64.2 nor did
-65-
they make any Allowance for the Changes and Operations of Time, or enough
consider the Interest the Actors had in the Lord Chamberlain, on whose
Protection they might always rely, and whose Decrees had been less restrain'd
by Precedent than those of a Lord Chancellor.
In this mistaken View of their Interest, the Patentees,
by treating their Actors as Enemies, really made them so: And when once the
Masters of a hired Company think not their Actors Hearts as necessary as their
Hands, they cannot be said to have agreed for above half the Work they are
able to do in a Day: Or, if an unexpected Success should, notwithstanding,
make the Profits in any gross Disproportion greater than the Wages, the Wages
will always have something worse than a Murmur at the Head of them, that will
not only measure the Merit of the Actor by the Gains of the Proprietor, but
will never naturally be quiet till every Scheme of getting into Property has
been tried to make the Servant his own Master: And this, as far as Experience
can make me judge, will always be in either of these Cases the State of our English
Theatre. What Truth there may be in this Observation we are now coming to a
Proof of.
To enumerate all the particular Acts of Power in which
the Patentees daily bore hard upon this now only Company of Actors,
might be as tedious as unnecessary; I shall therefore come at once to their
most material Grievance, upon which they grounded
-66-
their Complaint to the Lord Chamberlain, who, in the Year following, 1709,
took effectual Measures for their Relief.
The Patentees observing that the Benefit-Plays of the
Actors towards the latter End of the Season brought the most crowded Audiences
in the Year, began to think their own Interests too much neglected by these
partial Favours of the Town to their Actors; and therefore judg'd it would not
be impolitick in such wholesome annual Profits to have a Fellow-feeling with
them. Accordingly an Indulto 66.1 was laid of one
Third out of the Profits of every Benefit for the proper Use and Behoof of the
Patent. 66.2 But that a clear Judgment may be form'd of
the Equity or Hardship of this Imposition, it will be necessary to shew from
whence and from what Causes the Actors Claim to Benefits originally proceeded.
-67-
During the Reign of King Charles an Actor's
Benefit had never been heard of. The first Indulgence of this kind was given
to Mrs. Barry (as has been formerly observed 67.1
) in King James's Time, in Consideration of the extraordinary Applause
that had followed her Performance: But there this Favour rested to her alone,
'till after the Division of the only Company in 1695, at which time the
Patentees were soon reduced to pay their Actors half in good Words and half in
ready Money. In this precarious Condition some particular Actors (however
binding their Agreements might be) were too poor or too wise to go to Law with
a Lawyer, and therefore rather chose to compound their Arrears for their being
admitted to the Chance of having them made up by the Profits of a
Benefit-Play. This Expedient had this Consequence; that the Patentees, tho'
their daily Audiences might, and did sometimes mend, still kept the short
Subsistance of their Actors at a stand, and grew more steady in their
Resolution so to keep them, and as they found them less apt to mutiny while
their Hopes of being clear'd off by a Benefit were depending. In a Year or two
these Benefits grew so advantageous that they became at last the chief Article
in every Actor's Agreement.
Now though the Agreements of these united Actors I am
speaking of in 1708 were as yet only Verbal, yet that made no difference in
the honest Obligation to keep them: But as Honour at that
-68-
time happen'd to have but a loose hold of their Consciences, the Patentees
rather chose to give it the slip, and went on with their Work without it. No
Actor, therefore, could have his Benefit fix'd 'till he had first sign'd a
Paper signifying his voluntary Acceptance of it upon the above Conditions, any
Claims from Custom to the contrary notwithstanding. Several at first refus'd
to sign this Paper; upon which the next in Rank were offer'd on the same
Conditions to come before the Refusers; this smart Expedient got some few of
the Fearful the Preference to their Seniors; who, at last, seeing the Time was
too short for a present Remedy, and that they must either come into the Boat
or lose their Tide, were forc'd to comply with what they as yet silently
resented as the severest Injury. In this Situation, therefore, they chose to
let the principal Benefits be over, that their Grievances might swell into
some bulk before they made any Application for Redress to the
Lord-Chamberlain; who, upon hearing their general Complaint, order'd the
Patentees to shew cause why their Benefits had been diminish'd one Third,
contrary to the common Usage? The Patentees pleaded the sign'd Agreement, and
the Actors Receipts of the other two Thirds, in Full Satisfaction. But these
were prov'd to have been exacted from them by the Methods already mentioned.
They notwithstanding insist upon them as lawful. But as Law and Equity to not
always agree, they were look'd upon as unjust and arbitrary. Whereupon
-69-
the Patentees were warn'd at their Peril to refuse the Actors full
Satisfaction. 69.1 But here it was thought necessary that
Judgment should be for some time respited, 'till the Actors, who had leave so
to do, could form a Body strong enough to make the Inclination of the
Lord-Chamberlain to relieve them practicable.
Accordingly Swiney (who was then sole Director of
the Opera only) had Permission to enter into a private Treaty with such of the
united Actors in Drury-Lane as might be thought fit to head a Company
under their own Menagement, and to be Sharers with him in the Hay-Market.
The Actors chosen for this Charge were Wilks, Dogget, Mrs. Oldfield,
and Myself. But before I proceed, lest it should seem surprizing that neither Betterton,
Mrs. Barry, Mrs. Bracegirdle, or Booth were Parties in
this Treaty, it must be observ'd that Betterton was now Seventy-three,
and rather chose, with the Infirmities of Age upon him, than to involve
himself in the Cares and Hurry that must unavoidably attend the Regulation of
a new Company. As to the two celebrated Actresses I have named, this has been
my first proper Occasion of making it known that they had both quitted the
Stage the Year before this
-70-
Transaction was thought of. 70.1 And Booth as yet
was scarce out of his Minority as an Actor, or only in the Promise of that
Reputation which, in about four or five Years after, he happily arriv'd at.
However, at this Juncture he was not so far overlook'd as not to be offer'd a
valuable Addition to his Sallary: But this he declin'd, being, while the
Patentees were under this Distress, as much, if not more, in favour with their
chief Menager as a Schematist than as an Actor: And indeed he appear'd, to my
Judgment, more inclin'd to risque his Fortune in Drury-Lane, where he
should have no Rival in Parts or Power, than on any Terms to embark in the Hay-Market,
where he was sure to meet with Opponents in both. 70.2
However, this his Separation from our Interest when our All was at stake,
afterwards kept his Advancement to a Share with us in our more successful Days
longer postpon'd than otherwise it probably might have been.
When Mrs. Oldfield was nominated as a joint Sharer
in our new Agreement to be made with Swiney, Dogget, who had no
Objection to her Merit, insisted that our Affairs could never be upon a secure
Foundation if there was more than one Sex admitted to
Anne Oldfield
-71-
the Menagement of them. He therefore hop'd that if we offer'd Mrs. Oldfield
a Carte Blanche instead of a Share, she would not think herself
slighted. This was instantly agreed to, and Mrs. Oldfield receiv'd it
rather as a Favour than a Disobligation: Her Demands therefore were Two
Hundred Pounds a Year certain, and a Benefit clear of all Charges, which were
readily sign'd to. Her Easiness on this Occasion, some Years after, when our
Establishment was in Prosperity, made us with less Reluctancy advance her Two
Hundred Pounds to Three Hundred Guineas per Annum, with her usual
Benefit, which, upon an Average, for several Years at least doubled that Sum.
When a sufficient number of Actors were engag'd under our
Confederacy with Swiney, it was then judg'd a proper time for the
Lord-Chamberlain's Power to operate, which, by lying above a Month dormant,
had so far recover'd the Patentees from any Apprehensions of what might fall
upon them from their late Usurpations on the Benefits of the Actors, that they
began to set their Marks upon those who had distinguish'd themselves in the
Application for Redress. Several little Disgraces were put upon them,
particularly in the Disposal of Parts in Plays to be reviv'd, and as visible a
Partiality was shewn in the Promotion of those in their Interest, though their
Endeavours to serve them could be of no extraordinary use. How often does
History shew us, in the same State of Courts, the same Politicks have been
practis'd? All this while the other Party were
-72-
passively silent, 'till one Day the Actor who particularly solicited their
Cause at the Lord-Chamberlain's Office, being shewn there the Order sign'd for
absolutely silencing the Patentees, and ready to be serv'd, flew back with the
News to his Companions, then at a Rehearsal in which he had been wanted; when
being call'd to his Part, and something hastily question'd by the Patentee for
his Neglect of Business: This Actor, I say, with an erected Look and a
Theatrical Spirit, at once threw off the Mask and roundly told him -- Sir,
I have now no more Business Here than you have; in half an Hour you will
neither have Actors to command nor Authority to employ them. -- The
Patentee, who though he could not readily comprehend his mysterious manner of
Speaking, had just a Glimpse of Terror enough from the Words to soften his
Reproof into a cold formal Declaration, That if he would not do his Work he
should not be paid. -- But now, to complete the Catastrophe of these
Theatrical Commotions, enters the Messenger with the Order of Silence in his
Hand, whom the same Actor officiously introduc'd, telling the Patentee that
the Gentleman wanted to speak with him from the Lord-Chamberlain. When the
Messenger had delivered the Order, the Actor, throwing his Head over his
Shoulder towards the Patentee, in the manner of Shakespear's Harry the
Eighth to Cardinal Wolsey, cry'd -- Read o'er that! and now --
to Breakfast, with what Appetite you may. Tho' these Words might be spoken
in too vindictive and
-73-
insulting a manner to be commended, yet, from the Fulness of a Heart
injuriously treated and now reliev'd by that instant Occasion, why might they
not be pardon'd? 73.1
The Authority of the Patent now no longer subsisting, all
the confederated Actors immediately walked out of the House, to which they
never return'd 'till they became themselves the Tenants and Masters of it.
-74-
Here agen we see an higher Instance of the Authority of a
Lord-Chamberlain than any of those I have elsewhere mentioned: From whence
that Power might be deriv'd, as I have already said, I am not Lawyer enough to
know; however, it is evident that a Lawyer obey'd it, though to his Cost;
which might incline one to think that the Law was not clearly against it: Be
that as it may, since the Law has lately made it no longer a Question, let us
drop the Enquiry and proceed to the Facts which follow'd this Order that
silenc'd the Patent.
From this last injudicious Disagreement of the Patentees
with their principal Actors, and from what they had suffered on the same
Occasion in the Division of their only Company in 1695, might we not imagine
there was something of Infatuation in their Menagement? For though I allow
Actors in general, when they are too much indulg'd, or govern'd by an unsteady
Head, to be as unruly a Multitude as Power can be plagued with; yet there is a
Medium which, if cautiously observed by a candid use of Power, making them
always know, without feeling, their Superior, neither suffering their
Encroachments nor invading their Rights, with an immoveable Adherence to the
accepted Laws they are to walk by; such a Regulation, I say, has never fail'd,
in my Observation, to have made them a tractable and profitable Society. If
the Government of a well-establish'd Theatre were to be compar'd to that of a
Nation, there is no one Act of Policy or Misconduct in the
-75-
one or the other in which the Menager might not, in some parallel Case,
(laugh, if you please) be equally applauded or condemned with the Statesman.
Perhaps this will not be found so wild a Conceit if you look into the 193d Tatler,
Vol. 4. where the Affairs of the State and those of the very Stage which I am
now treating of, are, in a Letter from Downs the Promptor, 75.1
compar'd, and with a great deal of Wit
-76-
and Humour, set upon an equal Foot of Policy. The Letter is suppos'd to have
been written in the last Change of the Ministry in Queen Anne's Time. I
will therefore venture, upon the Authority of that Author's Imagination, to
carry the Comparison as high as it can possibly go, and say, That as I
remember one of our Princes in the last Century to have lost his Crown by too
arbitrary a Use of his Power, though he knew how fatal the same Measures had
been to his unhappy Father before him, why should we wonder that the same
Passions taking Possession of Men in lower Life, by an equally impolitick
Usage of their Theatrical Subjects, should have involved the Patentees in
proportionable Calamities.
-77-
During the Vacation, which immediately follow'd the
Silence of the Patent, both Parties were at leisure to form their Schemes for
the Winter: For the Patentee would still hold out, notwithstanding his being
so miserably maim'd or over-match'd: He had no more Regard to Blows than a
blind Cock of the Game; he might be beaten, but would never yield; the Patent
was still in his Possession, and the Broad-Seal to it visibly as fresh as
ever: Besides, he had yet some actors in his Service, 77.1
at a much cheaper
-78-
Rate than those who had left him, the Sallaries of which last, now they would
not work for him, he was not oblig'd to pay. 78.1 In this
way of thinking, he still kept together such as had not been invited over to
the Hay-Market, or had been influenc'd by Booth to follow his
Fortune in Drury-Lane.
By the Patentee's keeping these Remains of his broken
Forces together, it is plain that he imagin'd this Order of Silence, like
others of the same Kind, would be recall'd, of course, after a reasonable time
of Obedience had been paid to it: But, it seems, he had rely'd too much upon
former Precedents; nor had his Politicks yet div'd into the Secret that the
Court Power, with which the Patent had been so long and often at variance, had
now a mind to take the publick Diversions more absolutely into their own
Hands: Not that I have any stronger Reasons for this Conjecture than that the
Patent never after this Order of Silence got leave to play during the Queen's
Reign. But upon the Accession of his late Majesty, Power having then a
different Aspect, the Patent found no Difficulty in being permitted to
exercise its
-79-
former Authority for acting Plays, &c. which, however, from this
time of their lying still, in 1709, did not happen 'till 1714, which the old
Patentee never liv'd to see: For he dy'd about six weeks before the new-built
Theatre in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields was open'd, 79.1
where the first Play acted was the Recruiting Officer, under the
Menagement of his Heirs and Successors. But of that Theatre it is not yet time
to give any further Account.
The first Point resolv'd on by the Comedians now
re-established in the Hay-Market, 79.2 was to
alter the
-80-
Auditory Part of their Theatre, the Inconveniencies of which have been fully
enlarged upon in a former Chapter. What embarrass'd them most in this Design,
was their want of Time to do it in a more complete manner than it now remains
in, otherwise they had brought it to the original Model of that in
-81-
Drury-Lane, only in a larger Proportion, as the wider Walls of it would
require; as there are not many Spectators who may remember what Form the Drury-Lane
Theatre stood in about forty Years ago, before the old Patentee, to make it
hold more Money, took it in his Head to alter it, it were but Justice to
-82-
lay the original Figure which Sir Christopher Wren first gave it, and
the Alterations of it now standing, in a fair Light; that equal Spectators may
see, if they were at their choice, which of the Structures would incline them
to a Preference. But in this
-83-
Appeal I only speak to such Spectators as allow a good Play well acted to be
the most valuable Entertainment of the Stage. Whether such Plays (leaving
-84-
the Skill of the dead or living Actors equally out of the Question) have been
more or less recommended in their Presentation by either of these different
Forms of that Theatre, is our present Matter of Enquiry.
It must be observ'd, then, 84.1 that
the Area or Platform
-85-
of the old Stage projected about four Foot forwarder, in a Semi-oval Figure,
parallel to the Benches of the Pit; and that the former lower Doors of
Entrance for the Actors were brought down between the two foremost (and then
only) Pilasters; in the Place of which Doors now the two Stage-Boxes are fixt.
That where the Doors of Entrance now are, there formerly stood two additional
Side-Wings, in front to a full Set of Scenes, which had then almost a double
Effect in their Loftiness and Magnificence.
By this Original Form, the usual Station of the Actors,
in almost every Scene, was advanc'd at least ten Foot nearer to the Audience
than they now can be; because, not only from the Stage's being shorten'd in
front, but likewise from the additional Interposition of those Stage-Boxes,
the Actors (in respect to the Spectators that fill them) are kept so much more
backward from the main Audience than they us'd to be: But when the Actors were
in Possession of that forwarder Space to advance upon, the Voice was then more
in the Centre of the House, so that the most distant Ear had scarce the least
Doubt or Difficulty in hearing what fell from the weakest Utterance: All
Objects were thus drawn nearer to the Sense; every painted Scene was stronger;
every grand Scene and Dance more extended; every rich or fine-coloured Habit
had a more lively Lustre: Nor was the minutest Motion of a Feature (properly
changing with the Passion or Humour it suited) ever lost, as they frequently
must be in the Obscurity of
-86-
too great a Distance: And how valuable an Advantage the Facility of hearing
distinctly is to every well-acted Scene, every common Spectator is a Judge. A
Voice scarce raised above the Tone of a Whisper, either in Tenderness,
Resignation, innocent Distress, or Jealousy suppress'd, often have as much
concern with the Heart as the most clamorous Passions; and when on any of
these Occasions such affecting Speeches are plainly heard, or lost, how wide
is the Difference from the great or little Satisfaction received from them? To
all this a Master of a Company may say, I now receive Ten Pounds more than
could have been taken formerly in every full House! Not unlikely. But might
not his House be oftener full if the Auditors were oftener pleas'd? Might not
every bad House too, by a Possibility of being made every Day better, add as
much to one Side of his Account as it could take from the other? If what I
have said carries any Truth in it, why might not the original Form of this
Theatre be restor'd? but let this Digression avail what it may, the Actors now
return'd to the Hay-Market, as I have observ'd, wanting nothing but
length of Time to have govern'd their Alteration of that Theatre by this
original Model of Drury-Lane which I have recommended. As their time
therefore was short, they made their best use of it; they did something to it:
They contracted its Wideness by three Ranges of Boxes on each side, and
brought down its enormous high Ceiling within so proportionable a
Theophilus Cibber as Antient Pistol
-87-
Compass that it effectually cur'd those hollow Undulations of the Voice
formerly complain'd of. The Remedy had its Effect; their Audiences exceeded
their Expectation. There was now no other Theatre open against them; 87.1
they had the Town to themselves; they were their own Masters, and the Profits
of their Industry came into their own Pockets.
Yet with all this fair Weather, the Season of their
uninterrupted Prosperity was not yet arriv'd; for the great Expence and
thinner Audiences of the Opera (of which they then were equally Directors) was
a constant Drawback upon their Gains, yet not so far but that their Income
this Year was better than in their late Station at Drury-Lane. But by
the short Experience we had then had of Operas; by the high Reputation they
seem'd to have been arriv'd at the Year before; by their Power of drawing the
whole Body of Nobility as by Enchantment to their Solemnities; by that
Prodigality of Expence at which they were so willing to support them; and from
the late extraordinary Profits Swiney had made of them, what Mountains
did we not hope from this Molehill? But alas! the fairy Vision was vanish'd;
this bridal Beauty was grown familiar to the general Taste, and Satiety began
to make Excuses for its want of Appetite: Or, what is still stranger, its
-88-
late Admirers now as much valued their Judgment in being able to find out the
Faults of the Performers, as they had before in discovering their
Excellencies. The Truth is, that this kind of Entertainment being so entirely
sensual, it had no Possibility of getting the better of our Reason but by its
Novelty; and that Novelty could never be supported but by an annual Change of
the best Voices, which, like the finest Flowers, bloom but for a Season, and
when that is over are only dead Nose-gays. From this Natural Cause we have
seen within these two Years even Farinelli singing to an Audience of
five and thirty Pounds, and yet, if common Fame may be credited, the same
Voice, so neglected in one Century, has in another had Charms sufficient to
make that Crown sit easy on the Head of a Monarch, which the Jealousy of
Politicians (who had their Views in his keeping it) fear'd, without some such
extraordinary Amusement, his Satiety of Empire might tempt him a second time
to resign. 88.1
There is, too, in the very Species of an Italian
Singer such an innate, fantastical Pride and Caprice, that the Government of
them (here at least) is almost impracticable.
-89-
This Distemper, as we were not sufficiently warn'd or apprized of, threw our
musical Affairs into Perplexities we knew not easily how to get out of. There
is scarce a sensible Auditor in the Kingdom that has not since that Time had
Occasion to laugh at the several Instances of it: But what is still more
ridiculous, these costly Canary-Birds have sometimes infested the whole Body
of our dignified Lovers of Musick with the same childish Animosities: Ladies
have been known to decline their Visits upon account of their being of a
different musical Party. Cæsar and Pompey made not a warmer
Division in the Roman Republick than those Heroines, their Country
Women, the Faustina and Cuzzoni, blew up in our Common-wealth of
Academical Musick by their implacable Pretensions to Superiority. 89.1
And while this Greatness of Soul is their unalterable Virtue, it will never be
practicable to make two capital Singers of the same Sex do as they should do
in one Opera at the same time! no, not tho' England were to double the
Sums it has already thrown after them: For even in their own
-90-
Country, where an extraordinary Occasion has called a greater Number of their
best to sing together, the Mischief they have made has been proportionable; an
Instance of which, I am rightly inform'd, happen'd at Parma, where,
upon the Celebration of the Marriage of that Duke, a Collection was made of
the most eminent Voices that Expence or Interest could purchase, to give as
complete an Opera as the whole vocal Power of Italy could form. But
when it came to the Proof of this musical Project, behold! what woful Work
they made of it! every Performer would be a Cæsar or Nothing; their
several Pretensions to Preference were not to be limited within the Laws of
Harmony; they could all choose their own Songs, but not more to set off
themselves than to oppose or deprive another of an Occasion to shine: Yet any
one would sing a bad Song, provided no body else had a good one, till at last
they were thrown together, like so many feather'd Warriors, for a Battle-royal
in a Cock-pit, where every one was oblig'd to kill another to save himself!
What Pity it was these froward Misses and Masters of Musick had not been
engag'd to entertain the Court of some King of Morocco, that could have
known a good Opera from a bad one! with how much Ease would such a Director
have brought them to better Order? But alas! as it has been said of greater
Things, Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit. Hor. 90.1
-91-
Imperial Rome fell by the too great Strength of its own Citizens! So
fell this mighty Opera, ruin'd by the too great Excellency of its Singers!
For, upon the whole, it proved to be as barbarously bad as if Malice it self
had composed it.
Now though something of this kind, equally provoking, has
generally embarrass'd the State of Operas these thirty Years, yet it has the
Misfortune of the menaging Actors at the Hay-Market to have felt the
first Effects of it: The Honour of the Singer and the Interest of the
Undertaker were so often at Variance, that the latter began to have but a bad
Bargain of it. But not to impute more to the Caprice of those Performers than
was really true, there were two different Accidents that drew Numbers from our
Audiences before the Season was ended; which were another Company permitted to
act in Drury-Lane, 91.1 and the long Trial of
Doctor Sacheverel in Westminster-Hall: 91.2
By the way, it must be observed that this Company was not under the Director
of the Patent (which continued still silenced) but was set up by a third
Interest, with a License from Court. The Person to whom this new License was
granted was William Collier, Esq.,
-92-
a Lawyer of an enterprizing Head and a jovial Heart; what sort of Favour he
was in with the People then in Power may be judg'd from his being often
admitted to partake with them those detach'd Hours of Life when Business was
to give way to Pleasure: But this was not all his Merit, he was at the same
time a Member of Parliament for Truro in Cornwall, and we cannot
suppose a Person so qualified could be refused such a Trifle as a License to
head a broken Company of Actors. This sagacious Lawyer, then, who had a Lawyer
to deal with, observing that his Antagonist kept Possession of a Theatre
without making use of it, and for which he was not obliged to pay Rent unless
he actually did use it, wisely conceived it might be the Interest of
the joint Landlords, since their Tenement was in so precarious a Condition, to
grant a Lease to one who had an undisputed Authority to be liable, by acting
Plays in it, to pay the Rent of it; especially when he tempted them with an
Offer of raising it from three to four Pounds per Diem. His Project
succeeded, the Lease was sign'd; but the Means of getting into Possession were
to be left to his own Cost and Discretion. This took him up but little Time;
he immediately laid Siege to it with a sufficient Number of Forces, whether
lawless or lawful I forget, but they were such as obliged the old Governor to
give it up; who, notwithstanding, had got Intelligence of his Approaches and
Design time enough to carry off every thing that was worth moving, except a
great
-93-
Number of old Scenes and new Actors that could not easily follow him. 93.1
A ludicrous Account of this Transaction, under fictitious
Names, may be found in the 99th Tatler, Vol. 2. which this Explanation
may now render more intelligible to the Readers of that agreeable Author. 93.2
-94-
This other new License being now in Possession of the Drury-Lane
Theatre, those Actors whom the Patentee ever since the Order of Silence had
retain'd in a State of Inaction, all to a Man came over to the Service of Collier.
Of these Booth was then the chief. 94.1 The Merit
of the rest had as yet made no considerable Appearance, and as the Patentee
had not left a Rag of their Cloathing behind him, they were but poorly equip'd
for a publick Review; consequently at their first Opening they were very
little able to annoy us. But during the Trial of Sacheverel our
Audiences were extremely weaken'd by the better Rank of People's daily
attending it: While, at the same time, the lower Sort, who were
-95-
not equally admitted to that grand Spectacle, as eagerly crowded into Drury-Lane
to a new Comedy call'd The fair Quaker of Deal. This Play having some
low Strokes of natural Humour in it, was rightly calculated for the Capacity
of the Actors who play'd it, and to the Taste of the Multitude who were now
more disposed and at leisure to see it: 95.1 But the most
happy Incident in its Fortune was the Charm of the fair Quaker which was acted
by Miss Santlow, (afterwards Mrs. Booth) whose Person was then
in the full Bloom of what Beauty she might pretend to: Before this she had
only been admired as the most excellent Dancer, which perhaps might not a
little contribute to the favourable Reception she now met with as an Actress,
in this Character which so happily suited her Figure and Capacity: The gentle
Softness of her Voice, the composed Innocence of her Aspect, the Modesty of
her Dress,
-96-
the reserv'd Decency of her Gesture, and the Simplicity of the Sentiments that
naturally fell from her, made her seem the amiable Maid she represented: In a
Word, not the enthusiastick Maid of Orleans was more serviceable of old
to the French Army when the English had distressed them, than
this fair Quaker was at the Head of that dramatick Attempt upon which the
Support of their weak Society depended. 96.1
But when the Trial I have mention'd and the Run of this
Play was over, the Tide of the Town beginning to turn again in our Favour, Collier
was reduced to give his Theatrical Affairs a different Scheme; which advanced
the Stage another Step towards that Settlement which, in my Time, was of the
longest Duration.
[50.1] At the Union, 1707-8, the Lord Chamberlain took
measures to assert his supremacy. Under date 6th January, 1708, he orders that
no actors are to be engaged at Drury-Lane who are not Her Majesty's servants,
and he therefore directs the managers to send a list of all actors to be sworn
in.
[51.1] Bellchambers notes that Mrs. Tofts "sang in
English, while her associates responded in Italian."
[52.1] The whole passage regarding Nicolini is: --
"I went on Friday last to the Opera, and was
surprised to find a thin House at so noble an Entertainment, till I heard
that the Tumbler was not to make his Appearance that Night. For my own Part,
I was fully satisfied with the Sight of an Actor, who, by the Grace and
Propriety of his Action and Gesture, does Honour to an human Figure, as much
as the other vilifies and degrades it. Every one will easily imagine I mean
Signior Nicolini, who sets off the Character he bears in an Opera by
his Action, as much as he does the Words of it by his Voice. Every Limb, and
every Finger, contributes to the Part he acts, insomuch that a deaf Man
might go along with him in the Sense of it. There is scarce a beautiful
Posture in an old Statue which he does not plant himself in, as the
different Circumstances of the Story give Occasion for it. He performs the
most ordinary Action in a Manner suitable to the Greatness of his Character,
and shows the Prince even in the giving of a Letter, or the dispatching of a
Message. Our best Actors are somewhat at a Loss to support themselves with
proper Gesture, as they move from any considerable Distance to the Front of
the Stage; but I have seen the Person of whom I am now speaking, enter alone
at the remotest Part of it, and advance from it with such Greatness of Air
and Mien, as seemed to fill the Stage, and at the same Time commanded the
Attention of the Audience with the Majesty of his Appearance." --
"Tatler," No. 115, January 3rd, 1710.
[54.1] An excellent account of Mrs. Tofts is given by Mr.
Henry Morley in a note on page 38 of his valuable edition of the
"Spectator." She was the daughter of one of Bishop Burnet's
household, and had great natural gifts. In 1709 she was obliged to quit the
stage, her mental faculties having failed; but she afterwards recovered, and
married Mr. Joseph Smith, a noted art patron, who was appointed English
Counsel at Venice. Her intellect again became disordered, and she died about
the year 1760.
[54.2] Cibber's most notorious blunder in language was made in
this sentence. In his first edition he wrote "was then but an
Adept in it," completely reversing the meaning of the word
"Adept." Fielding ("Champion," 22nd April, 1740) declares
Cibber to be a most absolute Master of English, "for surely he must be
absolute Master of that whose Laws he can trample under Feet, and which he can
use as he pleases. This Power he hath exerted, of which I shall give a barbarous
Instance in the Case of the poor Word Adept....This Word our great Master
hath tortured and wrested to signify a Tyro or Novice, being
directly contrary to the Sense in which it hath been hitherto used." It
is of course conceivable that the error was a printer's error not corrected in
reading the proof.
[55.1] Nicolini was the stage name of the Cavalier Nicolo
Grimaldi. Dr. Burney says: "This great singer, and still greater actor,
was a Neapolitan; his voice was at first a soprano, but afterwards
descended into a fine contralto." He first appeared, about 1694,
in Rome, and paid his first visit to England in 1708. Valentini Urbani was a castrato,
his voice was not so strong as Nicolini's, but his action was so excellent
that his vocal defects were not notices. -- "General History of
Music," 1789, iv. 207, 205.
[56.1] Colonel Brett, by an indenture dated 31st March 1708,
made Wilks, Estcourt, and Cibber, his deputies in the management of the
theatre. Genest (ii. 405) says this was probably "31st March, 1708, Old
Style," by which I suppose he means March, 1709. But I cannot see why he
should think this. Brett entered into management in January, 1708, and was
probably out of it by March, 1709. It may be that Genest supposes that this
indenture marks the end of Brett's connection with the theatre; whereas it was
probably one of his first actions. It will be remembered that he stated his
intention of benefitting Cibber by taking the Patent (see ante, p. 42).
A copy of the indenture is given by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald ("New
History," ii. 443). It is dated 31st March in the seventh year of Queen
Anne's reign, that is, 1708.
[57.1] On p. 328 of vol. i., Cibber says that Rich (about
1705) had led the Adventurers "a Chace in Chancery several years."
From the petition presented in 1709 against the order silencing Rich, we learn
that the principal Adventurers were: Lord Guilford, Lord John Harvey, Dame
Alice Brownlow, Mrs. Shadwell, Sir Edward Smith, Bart., Sir Thomas Skipwith,
Bart., George Sayer, Charles Killegrew, Christopher Rich, Charles Davenant,
John Metcalf, Thomas Goodall, Ashburnham Toll, Ashburnham Frowd, William East,
Richard Middlemore, Robert Gower, and William Collier. It is curious that
everyone who has produced this list has, as far as I know, mistaken the name
"Frowd," calling it "Trowd." The earliest reproduction of
the list of names which I know is in the "Dramatic Censor," 1811,
col. iii.
[60.1] I do not know when Sir Thomas Skipwith died; but in
1709 the petition of the Adventurers, &c., is signed by, among others, Sir
Thomas Skipwith.
[61.1] This anecdote shows that Rich had some sort of
Committee of Shareholders to aid (or hinder) him. Subsequent experience has
shown, as witness the Drury Lane Committee at the beginning of this century,
how disastrous such form of management it.
[62.1] Dr. Doran ("Their Majesties' Servants," 1888 edition, i.
103) gives the following account of Goodman's connection with this plot: --
"King James having saved Cardell's neck, Goodman, out
of pure gratitude, perhaps, became a Tory, and something more, when William
sat in the seat of his father-in-law. After Queen Mary's death, Scum was in
the Fenwick and Charnock plot to kill the King. When the plot was
discovered, Scum was ready to peach. As Fenwick's life was thought by his
friends to be safe if Goodman could be bought off and got out of the way,
the rogue was looked for, at the Fleece, in Covent Garden, famous for
homicides, and at the robbers' and the revellers' den, the Dog, in
Drury Lane. Fenwick's agent, O'Bryan, erst soldier and highwayman, now a
Jacobite agent, found Scum at the Dog, and would then and there have
cut his throat, had not Scum consented to the pleasant alternative of
accepting £500 a year, and a residence abroad....Scum suddenly
disappeared, and Lord Manchester, our Ambassador in Paris, inquired after
him in vain. It is impossible to say whether the rogue died by an avenging
hand, or starvation."
[64.1] This anecdote is valuable as establishing the identity
of Captain Griffin with the Griffin who retired (temporarily) from the
stage about 1688. See note on page 83 of vol. i.
[64.2] When Betterton and his associates left the Theatre
Royal and opened Lincoln's Inn Fields Theatre. See Chapter VI.
[66.1] Indulto -- In Spain, a duty, tax, or custom, paid to
the King for all goods imported.
[66.2] In the "Answer to Steele's State of the
Case," 1720 (Nichols's ed. p. 527), it is said: "After Mr. Rich was
again restored to the management of the Play-house, he made an order to stop a
certain proportion of the clear profits of every Benefit-play without
exception; which being done, and reaching the chief Players as well as the
underlings, zealous application was made to the Lord Chamberlain, to oblige
Mr. Rich to return the money stopped to each particular. The dispute lasted
some time, and Mr. Rich, not giving full satisfaction upon that head, was
silenced; during the time of which silence, the chief Players, either by a new
License, or by some former (which I cannot absolutely determine, my Memoirs
being not at this time by me) set up for themselves, and got into the
possession of the Play-house in Drury-lane."
[67.1] See ante, vol. i., p. 161.
[69.1] This warning is dated 30th April, 1709, and is a very
preemptory document. Rich's treasurer is ordered to pay the actors the full
receipts of their benefits, under deduction only of £40 for the
charges of the house. See the Order for Silence quoted post, page 73.
[70.1] Mrs. Bracegirdle retired in February, 1707. Mrs. Barry
played up to the end of the season, 1708, that is, up to June, 1708. She does
not seem to have been engaged in 1708-9, but she was a member of the Haymarket
Company in 1709-10.
[70.2] From Chapter XVI. it will be seen that Wilks's unfair
partiality for John Mills, whom he forced into prominence at Booth's expense,
was the leading reason for Booth's remaining with Rich.
[73.1] The Order for Silence has never, I believe, been quoted. I therefore
give it in full. The theatre closed on the 4th of June, 1709, which was
Saturday, and did not open again under Rich's management, the Order for
Silence being issued on the next Monday.
"Play House in Covent Garden silenc'd.
Whereas by an Order dated the 30
th day of Aprll last upon the peticon of sevll Players
&c: I did then direct and require you to pay to the respective Comedians
who had benfit plays last winter the full receipts of such plays
deducting only from each the sume of 40l. for the Charges of the House
pursuant to the Articles made w
thym at ye theatre in the Haymarkett and w
ch were promisd to be made good upon their removall to the Theatre
in Covent Garden.
"And whereas I am informd yt
in Contempt of the said Ordr yu still refuse to pay and
detain from the sd Comedians ye profits of ye
sd benefit plays I do therefore for the sd Contempt
hereby silence you from further acting & require you not to perform any
Plays or other Theatricall entertainmts till further Ordr;
And all her Majts Sworn Comedians are hereby forbid to act any
Plays at ye Theatre in Covent Gardn or else where w
thout my leave as they shall answer the contrary at their perill And &c:
Given &c: this 6
th day of June 1709 in the Eighth Year of Her Majesty's Reign. (Signed) KENT.
"To the Manager or Managrs of her Majts Company of
Comedins for their Patentees."
I have copied this from the Lord Chamberlain's Records.
[75.1] "Honoured Sir, July 1. 1710.
"Finding by divers of your late Papers, that you are
a Friend to the Profession of which I was many Years an unworthy Member, I the
rather make bold to crave your Advice, touching a Proposal that has been
lately made me of coming into Business, and the Sub-Administration of Stage
Affairs. I have, from my Youth, been bred up behind the Curtain, and been a
Prompter from the Time of the Restoration. I have seen many Changes, as well
of Scenes as of Actors, and have known Men within my Remembrance arrive to the
highest Dignities of the Theatre, who made their Entrance in the Quality of
Mutes, Joynt-stools, Flower-pots, and Tapestry Hangings. It cannot be unknown
to the Nobility and Gentry, That a Gentleman of the Inns of Court, and a deep
Intriguer, had some Time since worked himself into the sole Management and
Direction of the Theatre. Nor is it less notorious, That his restless
Ambition, and subtle Machinations, did manifestly tend to the Extirpation of
the good old British Actors, and the Introduction of foreign
Pretenders; such as Harlequins, French Dancers, and Roman
Singers; which, tho' they impoverish'd the Proprietors, and imposed on the
Audience, were for some Time tolerated, by Reason of his dextrous
Insinuations, which prevailed upon a few deluded Women, especially the Vizard
Masks, to believe, that the Stage was in Danger. But his Schemes were soon
exposed, and the Great Ones that supported him withdrawing their Favour, he
made his Exit, and remained for a Season in Obscurity. During this
Retreat the Machiavilian was not idle, but secretly fomented Divisions, and
wrought over to his Side some of the inferior Actors, reserving a Trap Door to
himself, to which only he had a Key. This Entrance secured, this cunning
Person, to compleat his Company, bethought himself of calling in the most
eminent of Strollers from all Parts of the Kingdom. I have seen them all
ranged together behind the Scenes; but they are many of them Persons that
never trod the Stage before, and so very aukward and ungainly, that it is
impossible to believe the Audience will bear them. He was looking over his
Catalogue of Plays, and indeed picked up a good tolerable Set of grave Faces
for Counsellors, to appear in the famous Scene of Venice Preserved,
which the Danger is over; but they being but meer Outsides, and the Actors
having a great Mind to play the Tempest, there is not a Man of them
when he is to perform any Thing above Dumb Show is capable of acting with a
good Grace to much as the Part of Trincalo. However, the Master
persists in his Design, and is fitting up the old Storm; but I am afraid he
will not be able to procure able Sailors or experienced Officers for Love or
Money.
"Besides all this, when he comes to cast the Parts
there is so great a Confusion amongst them for Want of proper Actors, that for
my Part I am wholly discouraged. The Play with which they design to open is, The
Duke and no Duke; and they are so put to it, That the master himself is to
act the Conjurer, and they have no one for the General but honest George
Powell.
"Now, Sir, they being so much as a Loss for the Dramatis
Personæ, viz. the Persons to enact, and the whole Frame of the House
being designed to be altered, I desire your Opinion, whether you think it
advisable for me to undertake to prompt 'em: For tho' I can clash Swords when
they represent a Battel, and have yet Lungs enough to huzza their Victories, I
question, if I should prompt 'em right, whether they would act accordingly. --
I am "Your Honour's most humble Servant, "J.Downes.
P.S. Sir, Since I writ this, I am credibly
informed, That they design a New House in Lincoln's-Inn-fields, near
the Popish Chapel, to be ready by Michaelmas next; which indeed is but
repairing an Old One that has already failed. You know the honest Man who kept
the Office is gone already."
[77.1] The chief actor who remained with Rich was Booth. Among
the others were Powell, Bickerstaffe, Pack, Keene, Francis Leigh, Norris, Mrs.
Bignell, Mrs. Moor, Mrs. Bradshaw, and Mrs. Knight.
[78.1] An interesting advertisement was published on Rich's behalf in July,
1709, which gives curious particulars regarding the actors' salaries. I quote
it from "Edwin's Eccentricities," i. 219-224, without altering the
figures, which, as regards the pence, are rather eccentric: --
"ADVERTISEMENT CONCERNING THE POOR ACTORS, WHO,
UNDER PRETENCE OF HARD USAGE FROM THE PATENTEES, ARE ABOUT TO DESERT THEIR
SERVICE.
"Some persons having industriously spread about
amongst the Quality and others, what small allowances the chief Actors have
had this last Winter from the Patentees of Drury Lane Play-house, as if they
had received no more than so many poor palatines; it was thought necessary to
print the following Account.
"The whole company began to act on the 12th of
October, 1708, and left off on the 26th of the same month, by reason of Prince
George's illness and death; and began again the 14th of December following,
and left off upon the Lord Chamberlain's order, on the 4th of June last, 1709.
So acted, during that time, in all 135 days, which is 22 weeks and three days,
accounting six acting days to a week.
"Had not acting been forbid seven weeks on the
occasion of Prince George's death, and my Lord Chamberlain forbad acting about
five weeks before the tenth of July instant; each of these actors would have
had twelve weeks salary more than is above-mentioned.
"As to the certainties expressed in this paper, to
be paid to the six Actors, the same are positively true: and as to the sums
they got over and above such certainties, I believe the same to be true,
according to the best of my computation.
"Witness my hand, who am Receiver and Treasurer at
the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, "July 8th, 1709. "Zachary
Baggs."
[79.1] It was opened 18th December, 1714.
[79.2] The Lord Chamberlain's Records enable an exact account
to be given of the transactions which led to the formation of this Haymarket
Company. After Rich was silenced, his actors petitioned the Lord Chamberlain
on three separate occasions, namely, 10th June, 20th June, and 5th July, 1709,
and in answer to their petitions, the Haymarket, which was then devoted solely
to Opera, was permitted to be used for Plays also. In an Answer to the actors'
petitions, the Lord Chamberlain permits the manager of the Haymarket to engage
such of them as he wished, and to act Plays four times a week, the other days
being devoted to Operas. This License is dated 8th July, 1709. This is, of
course, only a formal sanction of the private arrangement mentioned by Cibber ante
p. 69; and was resented by Booth and others who were in Rich's favour. They
therefore petitioned the Queen direct, in despite of the Lord Chamberlain (see
"Dramatic Censor," 1811, col. 112; Genest, ii. 426; Mr. Fitzgerald's
"New History," i. 273), but no result followed, until Collier's
advent, as is related further on.
[84.1] The description of the shape of the stage which follows
is interesting and valuable. In early times the stage was a platform
surrounded by the audience, not, as now, a picture framed by the proscenium.
This is evident, not only from descriptive allusions, but from the two
drawings which have come down to us of the interior of pre-Restoration
theatres -- DeWitt's drawing of the Swan Theatre in 1596, reproduced in Herr
Gaedertz's "Zur Kenntniss der altenglischen Bühne" (Bremen, 1888),
and the well-known print of the Red Bull Theatre during the Commonwealth,
which forms the frontispiece to Kirkman's "The Wits, or Sport upon
Sport" (1672). In both of them the pit entirely surrounds the stage on
three sides, while the fourth side also contains spectators in boxes placed
above the entrance-doors. By gradual modifications the shape of the stage has
changed, till now the audience is confined to one side. The doors used for
entrances and exits, to which Cibber alludes, have disappeared comparatively
recently. They may be seen, for instance, in Cruikshank's plates to Dickens's
"Grimaldi."
[87.1] The Haymarket opened on 15th September, 1709, and there
was no rival theatre till 23rd November, when Drury Lane opened; but from this
latter date till the end of the season both theatres were open.
[88.1] Bellchambers has here the following note: -- "The
monarch alluded to, I suppose, was Victor Amadeus, King of Sardinia. Carlo
Broschi, better known by the name of Farinelli, was born in the dukedom of
Modena, in 1705, and suffered emasculation, from an accident, when young. The
Spanish king Ferdinand created him a knight of Calatrava, honoured him with
his friendship, and added to his fortune. He returned to Italy on his patron's
death, and died in 1782."
[89.1] Francesca Cuzzoni and Faustina Bordoni Hasse, whose
famous rivalry in 1726 and 1727 is here referred to, were singers of
remarkable powers. Cuzzoni's voice was a soprano, her rival's a mezzo-soprano,
and while the latter excelled in brilliant execution, the former was supreme
in pathetic expression. Dr. Burney ("History of Music," iv. 319)
quotes from M. Quantz the statement that so keen was their supporters' party
spirit, that when one party began to applaud their favourite, the other party
hissed!
[90.1] Horace, Epod. xvi. 2.
[91.1] See note on page 87.
[91.2] The trial opened on 27th February, 1710, and lasted for
more than three weeks. The political excitement it caused must have done great
harm to theatricals. Shadwell, in the Preface to "The Fair Quaker of
Deal," mentioned post, page 95, says it was a success,
"Notwithstanding the trial in Westminster-Hall, and the rehearsal of the
new opera."
[93.1] In the British Museum will be found a copy of the
report by the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General, who were ordered by
Queen Anne to inquire into this business. Rich declared that Collier broke
into the theatre with an armed mob of soldiers, &c., but Collier denied
the soldiers, though he admitted the breaking in. He gave as his authority for
taking possession a letter signed by Sir James Stanley, dated 19th November,
1709, by which the Queen gave him authority to act, and required him not to
allow Rich to have any concern in the theatre. His authority was appointed to
run from 23rd November, 1709.
[93.2] "Tatler," No. 99, 26th November, 1709: "Divito
[Rich] was too modest to know when to resign it, till he had the Opinion and
Sentence of the Law for his Removal....The lawful Ruler [of Drury-Lane] sets
up an Attorney to expel an Attorney, and chose a Name dreadful to the Stage
[that is Collier], who only seemed able to beat Divito out of his
Intrenchments.
"On the 22d Instant, a Night of public Rejoycing,
the Enemies of Divito made a Largess to the People of Faggots, Tubs,
and other combustible Matter, which was erected into a Bonfire before the
Palace. Plentiful Cans were at the same time distributed among the Dependences
of that Principality; and the artful Rival of Divito observing them
prepared for Enterprize, presented the lawful Owner of the neighbouring
Edifice, and showed his Deputation under him. War immediately ensured upon the
peaceful Empire of Wit and the Muses; the Goths and Vandals
sacking Rome did not threaten a more barbarous Devastation of Arts and
Sciences. But when they had forced their Entrance, the experienced Divito
had detached all his Subjects, and evacuated all his Stores. The neighbouring
Inhabitants report, That the Refuse of Divito's Followers marched off
the Night before disguised in Magnificence; Door-Keepers came out clad like
Cardinals, and Scene-Drawers like Heathen Gods. Divito himself was
wrapped up in one of his black Clouds, and left to the Enemy nothing but an
empty Stage, full of Trap-Doors, known only to himself and his Adherents.
[94.1] Barton Booth, Theophilus Keen, Norris, John
Bickerstaffe, George Powell, Francis Leigh, George Pack, Mrs. Knight, Mrs.
Bradshaw, and Mrs. Moore were Collier's chief performers. As most of them had
signed the petition to Rich's favour which I mentioned in a note on page 79,
it is not wonderful that disturbances soon arose. Collier appointed Aaron Hill
to manage the company, and his post seems to have been a somewhat lively one.
On 14th June, 1710, the Lord Chamberlain's Records contain an entry which
proves how rebellious the company were. Powell, Booth, Bickerstaffe, Keen, and
Leigh, are stated to have defied and beaten Aaron Hill, to have broken open
the doors of the theatre, and made a riot generally. For this Powell is
discharged, and the others suspended. Mr. Fitzgerald ("New History,"
i. 308 et seq.) quotes a letter from Hill, in which some account of
this matter is given.
[95.1] Charles Shadwell's "Fair Quaker of Deal" was
produced at Drury Lane on 25th February, 1710. In the Preface the author says,
"This play was written about three years since, and put into the hands of
a famous Comedian belonging to the Haymarket Playhouse, who took care to beat
down the value of it so much, as to offer the author to alter it fit to appear
on the stage, on condition he might have half the profits of the third day,
and the dedication entire; that is as much as to say, that it may pass for one
of his, according to custom. The author not agreeing to this reasonable
proposal, it lay in his hands till the beginning of this winter, when Mr.
Booth read it, and liked it, and persuaded the author, that, with a little
alteration, it would please the town" (Bell's edition). If, as is likely,
Cibber is the actor referred to, his abuse of the play and the actors is not
unintelligible.
-97-
CHAPTER XIII.
The Patentee, having now no Actors, rebuilds the new
Theatre in Lincolns-Inn-Fields. A Guess at his Reasons for it. More
Changes in the State of the Stage. The Beginning of its better Days under
the Triumvirate of Actors. A Sketch of their governing Characters.
AS coarse Mothers may have comely Children, so Anarchy
has been the Parent of many a good Government; and by a Parity of possible
Consequences, we shall find that from the frequent Convulsions of the Stage
arose at last its longest Settlement and Prosperity; which many of my Readers
(or if I should happen to have but few of them, many of my Spectators at
least) who I hope
-98-
have not yet liv'd half their Time, will be able to remember.
Though the Patent had been often under Distresses, it had
never felt any Blow equal to this unrevoked Order of Silence; which it is not
easy to conceive could have fallen upon any other Person's Conduct than that
of the old Patentee: For if he was conscious of his being under the Subjection
of that Power which had silenc'd him, why would he incur the Danger of a
Suspension by his so obstinate and impolitick Treatment of his Actors? If he
thought such Power over him illegal, how came he to obey it now more than
before, when he slighted a former Order that injoin'd him to give his Actors
their Benefits on their usual Conditions? 98.1 But to do
him Justice, the same Obstinacy that involv'd him in these Difficulties, at
last preserv'd to his Heirs the Property of the Patent in its full Force and
Value; 98.2 yet to suppose that he foresaw a milder use
of Power in some future Prince's Reign might be more favourable to him, is
begging at best but a cold Question. But whether he knew that this broken
-99-
Condition of the Patent would not make his troublesome Friends the Adventurers
fly from it as from a falling House, seems not so difficult a Question.
However, let the Reader form his own Judgment of them from the Facts that
follow'd: It must therefore be observ'd, that the Adventurers seldom came near
the House but when there was some visible Appearance of a Dividend: But I
could never hear that upon an ill Run of Audiences they had ever returned or
brought in a single Shilling, to make good the Deficiencies of their daily
Receipts. Therefore, as the Patentee in Possession had alone, for several
Years, supported and stood against this Uncertainty of Fortune, it may be
imagin'd that his Accounts were under so voluminous a Perplexity that few of
those Adventurers would have Leisure or Capacity enough to unravel them: And
as they had formerly thrown away their Time and Money at law in a fruitless
Enquiry into them, they now seem'd to have intirely given up their Right and
Interest: And, according to my best Information, notwithstanding the
subsequent Gains of the Patent have been sometimes extraordinary, the farther
Demands or Claims of Right of the Adventurers have lain dormant above these
five and twenty Years. 99.1
-100-
Having shewn by what means Collier had
dispossess'd this Patentee, not only of the Drury-Lane House, but
likewise of those few Actors which he had kept for some time unemploy'd in it,
we are now led to consider another Project of the same Patentee, which, if we
are to judge of it by the Event, has shewn him more a Wise than a Weak Man;
which I confess at the time he put it in Execution seem'd not so clear a
Point: For notwithstanding he now saw the Authority and Power of his Patent
was superseded, or was at best but precarious, and that he had not one Actor
left in his Service, yet, under all these Dilemma's and Distresses, he
resolv'd upon rebuilding the New Theatre in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, of
which he had taken a Lease, at a low Rent, ever since Betterton's
Company had first left it. 100.1 This Conduct seem'd too
deep for my Comprehension! What are we to think of his taking this Lease in
the height of his Prosperity, when he could have no Occasion for it? Was he a
Prophet? Could he then foresee he should, one time or other, be turn'd out of Drury-Lane?
Or did his mere Appetite of Architecture urge him to build a House, while he
could not be sure he should ever have leave to make use of it? But of all this
we may think as we please; whatever was his Motive, he, at his own Expence, in
this Interval of his having nothing else to do, rebuilt that Theatre from the
Ground, as it is now
-101-
standing. 101.1 As for the Order of Silence, he seem'd
little concern'd at it while it gave him so much uninterrupted Leisure to
supervise a Work which he naturally took Delight in.
After this Defeat of the Patentee, the Theatrical Forces
of Collier in Drury-Lane, notwithstanding their having drawn the
Multitude after them for about three Weeks during the Trial of Sacheverel,
had made but an indifferent Campaign at the end of the Season. Collier
at least found so little Account in it, that it obliged him to push his
Court-Interest (which, wherever the Stage was concern'd, was not
inconsiderable) to support him in another Scheme; which was, that in
consideration of his giving up the Drury-Lane, Cloaths, Scenes, and
Actors, to Swiney
-102-
and his joint Sharers in the Hay-Market, he (Collier) might be
put into an equal Possession of the Hay-Market Theatre, with all the
Singers, &c. and be made sole Director of the Opera. Accordingly,
by Permission of the Lord Chamberlain, a Treaty was enter'd into, and in a few
Days ratified by all Parties, conformable to the said Preliminaries. 102.1
This was that happy Crisis of Theatrical Liberty which the labouring Comedians
had long sigh'd for, and which, for above twenty Years following, was so
memorably fortunate to them.
However, there were two hard Articles in this Treaty,
which, though it might be Policy in the Actors to comply with, yet the
Imposition of them seem'd little less despotick than a Tax upon the Poor when
a Government did not want it.
The first of these Articles was, That whereas the sole
License for acting Plays was presum'd to be a more profitable Authority than
that for acting Operas only, that therefore Two Hundred Pounds a Year should
be paid to Collier, while Master of the Opera, by the Comedians; to
whom a verbal Assurance was given by the Plenipo's on the Court-side,
that while such Payment subsisted no other Company should be permitted to act
Plays against them within the Liberties, &c. The other Article was,
That on every Wednesday whereon an Opera could be perform'd,
-103-
the Plays should, toties quoties, be silent at Drury-Lane, to
give the Opera a fairer Chance for a full House.
This last Article, however partial in the Intention, was
in its Effect of great Advantage to the sharing Actors: For in all publick
Entertainments a Day's Abstinence naturally increases the Appetite to them:
Our every Thursday's Audience, therefore, was visibly the better by
thus making the Day before it a Fast. But as this was not a Favour design'd
us, this Prohibition of a Day, methinks, deserves a little farther Notice,
because it evidently took a sixth Part of their Income from all the hired
Actors, who were only paid in proportion to the Number of acting Days. This
extraordinary Regard to Operas was, in effect, making the Day-labouring Actors
the principal Subscribers to them, and the shutting out People from the Play
every Wednesday many murmur'd at as an Abridgment of their usual
Liberty. And tho' I was one of those who profited by that Order, it ought not
to bribe me into a Concealment of what was then said and thought of it. I
remember a Nobleman of the first Rank, then in a high Post, and not out of
Court-Favour, said openly behind the Scenes -- It was shameful to take part
of the Actors Bread from them to support the silly Diversion of People of
Quality. But alas! what was all this Grievance when weighed against the
Qualifications of so grave and stanch a Senator as Collier? Such
visible Merit, it seems, was to be made easy, tho' at
-104-
the Expence of the -- I had almost said, Honour of the Court, whose
gracious Intention for the Theatrical Common-wealth might have shone with
thrice the Lustre if such a paltry Price had not been paid for it. But as the
Government of the Stage is but that of the World in Miniature, we ought not to
have wonder'd that Collier had Interest enough to quarter the Weakness
of the Opera upon the Strength of the Comedy. General good Intentions are not
always practicable to a Perfection. The most necessary Law can hardly pass,
but a Tenderness to some private Interest shall often hang such Exceptions
upon particular Clauses, 'till at last it comes out lame and lifeless, with
the Loss of half its Force, Purpose, and Dignity. As, for Instance, how many
fruitless Motions have been made in Parliaments to moderate the enormous
Exactions in the Practice of the Law? And what sort of Justice must that be
call'd, which, when a Man has not a mind to pay you a Debt of Ten Pounds, it
shall cost you Fifty before you can get it? How long, too, has the Publick
been labouring for a Bridge at Westminster? But the Wonder that it was
not built a Hundred Years ago ceases when we are told, That the Fear of making
one End of London as rich as the other has been so long an Obstruction
to it: 104.1 And though it might seem a still
Hester Santlow
-105-
greater Wonder, when a new Law for building one had at last got over that
Apprehension, that it should meet with any farther Delay; yet Experience has
shewn us that the Structure of this useful Ornament to our Metropolis has been
so clogg'd by private Jobs that were to be pick'd out of the Undertaking, and
the Progress of the Work so disconcerted by a tedious Contention of private
Interests and Endeavours to impose upon the Publick abominable Bargains, that
a whole Year was lost before a single Stone could be laid to its Foundation.
But Posterity will owe its Praises to the Zeal and Resolution of a truly Noble
Commissioner, whose distinguish'd Impatience has broke thro' those narrow
Artifices, those false and frivolous Objections that delay'd it, and has
already began to raise above the Tide that future Monument of his Publick
Spirit. 105.1
How far all this may be allow'd applicable to the State
of the Stage is not of so great Importance, nor so much my Concern, as that
what is observ'd upon it should always remain a memorable Truth, to the Honour
of that Nobleman. But now I go on: Collier being thus possess'd of his
Musical Government, thought his best way would be to farm it out
-106-
to a Gentleman, Aaron Hill, Esq. 106.1 (who he
had reason to suppose knew something more of Theatrical Matters than himself)
at a Rent, if I mistake not, of Six Hundred Pounds per Annum: But
before the Season was ended (upon what occasion, if I could remember, it might
not be material to say) took it into his Hands again: But all his Skill and
Interest could not raise the Direction of the Opera to so good a Post as he
thought due to a Person of his Consideration: He therefore, the Year
following, enter'd upon another high-handed Scheme, which, 'till the Demise of
the Queen, turn'd to his better Account.
After the Comedians were in Possession of Drury-Lane,
from whence during my time upon the Stage they never departed, their Swarm of
Audiences exceeded all that had been seen in thirty Years before; which,
however, I do not impute so much to the Excellence of their Acting as to their
indefatigable Industry and good Menagement; for, as I have often said, I never
thought in the general that we stood in any Place of Comparison with the
eminent Actors before us; perhaps, too, by there being now an End of the
frequent Divisions and Disorders that had from time to time broke in upon and
frustrated their Labours, not a little might be contributed to their Success.
-107-
Collier, then, like a true liquorish Courtier,
observing the Prosperity of a Theatre, which he the Year before had parted
with for a worse, began to meditate an Exchange of Theatrical Posts with Swiney,
who had visibly very fair Pretensions to that he was in, by his being first
chosen by the Court to regulate and rescue the Stage from the Disorders it had
suffer'd under its former Menagers: 107.1 Yet Collier
knew that sort of Merit could stand in no Competition with his being a Member
of Parliament: He therefore had recourse to his Court-Interest (where meer
Will and Pleasure at that time was the only Law that dispos'd of all
Theatrical Rights) to oblige Swiney to let him be off from his bad
Bargain for a better. To this it may be imagin'd Swiney demurr'd, and
as he had Reason, strongly remonstrated against it: But as Collier had
listed his Conscience under the Command of Interest, he kept it to strict
Duty, and was immoveable; insomuch that Sir John Vanbrugh, who was a
Friend to Swiney, and who, by his Intimacy with the People in Power,
better knew the Motive of their Actions, advis'd Swiney rather to
accept of the Change, than by a Non-compliance to hazard his being excluded
from any Post or Concern in either of the Theatres: To conclude, it was not
long before Collier had procured a new License for acting Plays, &c.
for himself, Wilks, Dogget, and Cibber, exclusive of Swiney,
who by this new Regulation
-108-
was reduc'd to his Hobson's Choice of the Opera. 108.1
Swiney being thus transferr'd to the Opera 108.2
in the sinking of it in the Winter following, 1711, so far short of the
Expences, that he was driven to attend his Fortune in some more favourable
Climate, where he remain'd twenty Years an Exile from his Friends and Country,
tho' there has been scarce an English Gentleman who in his Tour
of France or Italy has not renew'd or created an Acquaintance
with him. As this is a Circumstance that many People may have forgot, I cannot
remember it without that Regard and Concern it deserves from all that know
him: Yet it is some Mitigation of his Misfortune that since his Return to England,
his grey Hairs and cheerful Disposition have still found a general Welcome
among his foreign and former domestick Acquaintance.
Collier being now first-commission'd Menager with
the Comedians, drove them, too, to the last Inch of a hard Bargain (the
natural Consequence of all Treaties between Power and Necessity.) He not only
demanded six hundred a Year neat Money, the Price at which he had farm'd out
his Opera, and to make the Business a Sine-cure to him, but likewise
insisted
-109-
upon a Moiety of the Two hundred that had been levied upon us the Year before
in Aid of the Operas; in all 700l. These large and ample Conditions,
considering in what Hands we were, we resolv'd to swallow without wry Faces;
rather chusing to run any Hazard than contend with a formidable Power against
which we had no Remedy: But so it happen'd that Fortune took better care of
our Interest than we ourselves had like to have done: For had Collier
accepted of our first Offer, of an equal Share with us, he had got three
hundred Pounds a Year more by complying with it than by the Sum he imposed
upon us, our Shares being never less than a thousand annually to each of us,
'till the End of the Queen's Reign in 1714. After which Collier's
Commission was superseded, his Theatrical Post, upon the Accession of his late
Majesty, being given to Sir Richard Steele. 109.1
From these various Revolutions in the Government of the
Theatre, all owing to the Patentees mistaken Principle of increasing their
Profits by too far enslaving their People, and keeping down the Price of good
Actors (and I could almost insist that giving large Sallaries to bad Ones
could not have had a worse Consequence) I say, when it is consider'd that the
Authority for acting Plays, &c. was thought of so little worth that
(as has been observ'd) Sir Thomas
-110-
Skipwith gave away his Share of it, and the Adventurers had fled from
it; that Mr. Congreve, at another time, had voluntarily resign'd it;
and Sir John Vanbrugh (meerly to get the Rent of his new House paid)
had, by Leave of the Court, farm'd out his License to Swiney, who not
without some Hesitation had ventur'd upon it; let me say again, out of this
low Condition of the Theatre, was it not owing to the Industry of three or
four Comedians that a new Place was now created for the Crown to give away,
without any Expence attending it, well worth the Acceptance of any Gentleman
whose Merit or Services had no higher Claim to Preferment, and which Collier
and Sir Richard Steele, in the two last Reigns, successively enjoy'd?
Tho' I believe I may have said something like this in a former Chapter, 110.1
I am not unwilling it should be twice taken notice of.
We are now come to that firm Establishment of the
Theatre, which except the Admittance of Booth into a Share and Dogget's
retiring from it, met with no Change or Alteration for above twenty Years
after.
Collier, as has been said, having accepted of a
certain Appointment of seven hundred per Annum, Wilks, Dogget, and
Myself were not the only acting Menagers under the Queen's License; which
being a Grant but during Pleasure oblig'd us to a Conduct that might not
undeserve the Favour. At this
-111-
Time we were All in the Vigour of our Capacities as Actors, and our Prosperity
enable us to pay at least double the Sallaries to what the same Actors had
usually receiv'd, or could have hoped for under the Government of the
Patentees. Dogget, who was naturally an Oeconomist, kept our Expences
and Accounts to the best of his Power within regulated Bounds and Moderation. Wilks,
who had a stronger Passion for Glory than Lucre, was a little apt to be lavish
in what was not always as necessary for the Profit as the Honour of the
Theatre: For example, at the Beginning of almost every Season, he would order
two or three Suits to be made or refresh'd for Actors of moderate Consequence,
that his having constantly a new one for himself might seem less particular,
tho' he had as yet no new Part for it. This expeditious Care of doing us good
without waiting for our Consent to it, Dogget always look'd upon with
the Eye of a Man in Pain: But I, who hated Pain, (tho' I as little liked the
Favour as Dogget himself) rather chose to laugh at the Circumstance,
than complain of what I knew was not to be cured but by a Remedy worse than
the Evil. Upon these Occasions, therefore, whenever I saw him and his
Followers so prettily dress'd out for an old Play, I only commended his Fancy;
or at most but whisper'd him not to give himself so much trouble about others,
upon whose Performance it would but be thrown away: To which, with a smiling
Air of Triumph over my want of Penetration, he has reply'd -- Why,
-112-
now, that was what I really did it for! to shew others that I love to take
care of them as well as of myself. Thus, whenever he made himself easy, he had
not the least Conception, let the Expence be what it would, that we could
possibly dislike it. And from the same Principle, provided a thinner Audience
were liberal of their Applause, he gave himself little Concern about the
Receipt of it. As in these different Tempers of my Brother-Menagers there
might be equally something right and wrong, it was equally my Business to keep
well with them both: And tho' of the two I was rather inclin'd to Dogget's
way of thinking, yet I was always under the disagreeable Restraint of not
letting Wilks see it: Therefore, when in any material Point of
Menagement they were ready to come to a Rupture, I found it adviseable to
think neither of them absolutely in the wrong; but by giving to one as much of
the Right in his Opinion this way as I took from the other in that, their
Differences were sometimes soft'ned into Concessions, that I have reason to
think prevented many ill Consequences in our Affairs that otherwise might have
attended them. But this was always to be done with a very gentle Hand; for as Wilks
was apt to be easily hurt by Opposition, so when he felt it he was as apt to
be insupportable. However, there were some Points in which we were always
unanimous. In the twenty Years while we were our own Directors, we never had a
Creditor that had occasion to come twice for his Bill; every Monday
Morning discharged
-113-
us of all Demands before we took a Shilling for our own Use. And from this
time we neither ask'd any Actor, nor were desired by them, to sign any written
Agreement (to the best of my Memory) whatsoever: The Rate of their respective
Sallaries were only enter'd in our daily Pay-Roll; which plain Record every
one look'd upon as good as City-Security: For where an honest Meaning is
mutual, the mutual Confidence will be Bond enough in Conscience on both sides:
But that I may not ascribe more to our Conduct than was really its Due, I
ought to give Fortune her Share of the Commendation; for had not our Success
exceeded our Expectation, it might not have been in our Power to throughly to
have observ'd those laudable Rules of Oeconomy, Justice, and Lenity, which so
happily supported us: But the Severities and Oppression we had suffer'd under
our former Masters made us incapable of imposing them on others; which gave
our whole Society the cheerful Looks of a rescued People. But notwithstanding
this general Cause of Content, it was not above a Year or two before the
Imperfection of human Nature began to shew itself in contrary Symptoms. The
Merit of the Hazards which the Menagers had run, and the Difficulties they had
combated in bringing to Perfection that Revolution by which they had all so
amply profited in the Amendment of their general Income, began now to be
forgotten; their Acknowledgments and thankful Promises of Fidelity were no
more repeated, or
-114-
scarce thought obligatory: Ease and Plenty by an habitual Enjoyment had lost
their Novelty, and the Largeness of their Sallaries seem'd rather lessen'd
than advanc'd by the extraordinary Gains of the Undertakers; for that is the
Scale in which the hired Actor will always weigh his Performance; but whatever
Reason there may seem to be in his Case, yet, as he is frequently apt to throw
a little Self-partiality into the Balance, that Consideration may a good deal
alter the Justness of it. While the Actors, therefore, had this way of
thinking, happy was it for the Menagers that their united Interest was so
inseparably the same, and that their Skill and Power in Acting stood in a Rank
so far above the rest, that if the whole Body of private Men had deserted
them, it would yet have been an easier matter for the Menagers to have pick'd
up Recruits, than for the Deserters to have found proper Officers to head
them. Here, then, in this Distinction lay our Security: Our being Actors
ourselves was an Advantage to our Government which all former Menagers, who
were only idle Gentlemen, wanted: Nor wa sour Establishment easily to be
broken, while our Health and Limbs enabled us to be Joint-labourers in the
Work we were Masters of.
The only Actor who, in the Opinion of the Publick, seem'd
to have had a Pretence of being advanc'd to a Share with us was certainly Booth:
But when it is consider'd how strongly he had oppos'd the Measures that had
made us Menagers, by setting
-115-
himself (as has been observ'd) at the Head of an opposite Interest, 115.1
he could not as yet have much to complain of: Beside, if the Court had thought
him, now, an equal Object of Favour, it could not have been in our Power to
have oppos'd his Preferment: This I mention, not to take from his Merit, but
to shew from what Cause it was not as yet better provided for. Therefore it
may be no Vanity to say, our having at that time no visible Competitors on the
Stage was the only Interest that rais'd us to be the Menagers of it.
But here let me rest a while, and since at my time of Day
our best Possessions are but Ease and Quiet, I must be content, if I will have
Sallies of Pleasure, to take up with those only that are to be found in
Imagination. When I look back, therefore, on the Storms of the Stage we had
been toss'd in; when I consider that various Vicissitude of Hopes and Fears we
had for twenty Years struggled with, and found ourselves at last thus safely
set on Shore to enjoy the Produce of our own Labours, and to have rais'd those
Labours by our Skill and Industry to a much fairer Profit, than our
Task-masters by all their severe and griping Government had ever reap'd from
them, a good-natur'd Reader, that is not offended at the Comparison of great
things with small, will allow was a Triumph in proportion equal to those that
have attended the
-116-
most heroick Enterprizes for Liberty! What Transport could the first Brutus
feel upon his Expulsion of the Tarquins greater than that which now
danc'd in the Heart of a poor Actor, who, from an injur'd Labourer, unpaid his
Hare, had made himself, without Guilt, a legal Menager of his own Fortune? Let
the Grave and Great contemn or yawn at these low Conceits, but let me be happy
in the Enjoyment of them! TO this Hour my Memory runs o'er that pleasing
Prospect of Life past with little less Delight than when I was first in the
real Possession of it. This is the natural Temper of my Mind, which my
Acquaintance are frequently Witnesses of: And as this was all the Ambition
Providence had made my obscure Condition capable of, I am thankful that Means
were given me to enjoy the Fruits of it.
-- Hoc est
Vivere bìs, vitâ posse priore frui.
116.1
Something like the Meaning of this the less learned
Reader may find in my Title Page.
[96.1] Hester Santlow, the "Santlow, fam'd for
dance" of Gay, married Barton Booth. She appears to have retired from the
stage about 1733. Genest (iii. 375) says, "she seems to have been a
pleasing actress with no great powers." Her reputation was note of the
best before her marriage, for she was said to have been the mistress of the
Duke of Marlborough and of Secretary Craggs. See memoir of Booth.
[98.1] Genest (ii. 430) has the following outspoken character
of Rich: "He seems in his public capacity of Patentee and Manager to have
been a despicable character -- without spirit to bring the power of the Lord
Chamberlain to a legal test -- without honesty to account to the other
proprietors for the receipts of the theatre -- without any feeling for his
actors -- and without the least judgment as to players and plays."
[98.2] Rich's Patent was revived, as Cibber states (p. 78), in
1714, when it was the property of his son, John Rich.
[99.1] There is no more curious transaction in theatrical
history than the acquisition of the entire right in the Patent by Rich and his
son. Christopher Rich's share (see note on p. 32) was seventeen on-hundredths,
or about one-sixth; yet, by obstinate dishonesty, he succeeded in annexing the
remainder.
[100.1] In March, 1705.
[101.1] There has been some doubt as to the locality of the
theatre in Little Lincoln's Inn Fields, in which Betterton acted, one
authority at least holding that he played in Gibbons' Tennis Court in Vere
Street, Clare Market. But Cibber distinctly states that Rich rented the
building which Betterton left in 1705, and old maps of London show clearly
that Rich's theatre was in Portugal Street, just opposite the end of the ten
unnamed street, now called Carey Street. In "A New and Exact Plan of the
Cities of London and Westminster," published 30th August, 1738, by George
Foster, "The New Play House" is given as the name of this building,
and it is worthy of notice that Cibber, a few lines above, writes of "the
New Theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields." See also vol. i. p. 192, note 1,
where I quote Downes, who calls Betterton's theatre the New Theatre in
Lincoln's Inn Fields. About 1756 this house was made a barrack; it was
afterwards an auction room; then the China Repository of Messrs. Spode and
Copeland, and was ultimately pulled down about 1848 to make room for the
extension of the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons.
[102.1] The Licence to Swiney, Wilks, Cibber, and Dogget, for
Drury Lane, is dated 6th November, 1710. In it Swiney's name is spelled
"Swyny," and Cibber's "Cybber."
[104.1] Westminster Bridge was authorized to be built in the
face of virulent opposition from the Corporation of London, who feared that
its existence would damage the trade of the City. Dr. Potter, Archbishop of
Canterbury, and others interested, applied for an Act of Parliament in 1736;
the bridge was begun in 1738, and not finished till 1750, the opening ceremony
being held on 17th November of that year. Until this time the only bridge was
London Bridge. See "Old and New London," iii. 197.
[105.1] I presume the Noble Commissioner is the Earl of
Pembroke, who laid the first stone of the bridge on 29th January, 1739.
[106.1] Collier seems to have relied on Aaron Hill in all his
theatrical enterprises, for, as previously noted, Hill had been manager for
him at Drury Lane.
[107.1] At the end of the season 1708-9. See ante, p.
69.
[108.1] Collier's treatment of Swiney was so discreditable,
that when he in his turn was evicted from Drury Lane (1714) we cannot help
feeling gratified at his downfall.
[108.2] Swiney's Licence for the Opera is dated 17th April,
1712.
[109.1] For a further account of Steele's being given a share
of the Patent, which he got through Marlborough's influence, see the beginning
of Chapter XV.
[110.1] See vol. i. 284-5.
[115.1] That is, he had been the chief of Collier's Company
at Drury Lane at his opening in November, 1709. See ante, p. 94.
[116.1] Martial, x. 23, 7.
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CHAPTER XIV.
The Stage in its highest Prosperity. The Menagers
not without Errors. Of what Kind. Cato first acted. What brought it
to the Stage. The Company go to Oxford. Their Success and different
Auditors there. Booth made a Sharer. Dogget objects to him.
Quits the State upon his Admittance. That not his true Reason. What was.
Dogget's Theatrical Character.
NOTWITHSTANDING the Menaging Actors were now in a happier
Situation than their utmost Pretensions could have expected, yet it is not to
be suppos'd but wiser Men might have mended it. As we could not all govern our
selves, there were Seasons when we were not all fit to govern others. Our
Passions and our Interest drew not always the
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same way. Self had a great Sway in our Debates: We had our
Partialities; our Prejudices; our Favourites of less Merit; and our Jealousies
of those who came too near us; Frailties which Societies of higher
Consideration, while they are compos'd of Men, will not always be free from.
To have been constantly capable of Unanimity had been a Blessing too great for
our Station: One Mind among three People were to have had three Masters to one
Servant; but when that one Servant is called three different ways at the same
time, whose Business is to be done first? For my own Part, I was forced almost
all my Life to give up my Share of him. And if I could, by Art or Persuasion,
hinder others from making what I thought a wrong use of their Power, it was
the All and utmost I desired. Yet, whatever might be our Personal Errors, I
shall think I have no Right to speak of them farther than where the Publick
Entertainment was affected by them. If therefore, among so many, some
particular Actors were remarkable in any part of their private Lives, that
might sometimes make the World merry without Doors, I hope my laughing Friends
will excuse me if I do not so far comply with their Desires or Curiosity as to
give them a Place in my History. I can only recommend such Anecdotes to the
Amusement of a Noble Person, who (in case I conceal them) does me the
flattering Honour to threaten my Work with a Supplement. 'Tis enough for me
that such Actors had their Merits to the Publick: Let
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those recite their Imperfections who are themselves without them: It is my
Misfortune not to have that Qualification. Let us see then (whatever was amiss
in it) how our Administration went forward.
When we were first invested with this Power, the Joy of
our so unexpectedly coming into it kept us for some time in Amity and
Good-Humour with one another: And the Pleasure of reforming the many false
Measures, Absurdities, and Abuses, that, like Weeds, had suck'd up the due
Nourishment from the Fruits of the Theatre, gave us as yet no leisure for
private Dissentions. Our daily Receipts exceeded our Imagination: And we
seldom met as a Board to settle our weekly Accounts without the Satisfaction
of Joint-Heirs just in Possession of an unexpected Estate that had been
distantly intail'd upon them. Such a sudden Change of our Condition it may be
imagin'd could not but throw out of us a new Spirit in almost every Play we
appear'd in: Nor did we ever sink into that common Negligence which is apt to
follow Good-fortune: Industry we knew was the Life of our Business; that it
not only conceal'd Faults, but was of equal Value to greater Talents without
it; which the Decadence once of Betterton's Company in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields
had lately shewn us a Proof of.
This then was that happy Period, when both Actors and
Menagers were in their highest Enjoyment of general Content and Prosperity.
Now it was that the politer World, too, by their decent
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Attention, their sensible Taste, and their generous Encouragements to Authors
and Actors, once more saw that the Stage, under a due Regulation, was capable
of being what the wisest Ages thought it might be, The most rational
Scheme that Human Wit could form to dissipate with Innocence the Cares of
Life, to allure even the Turbulent or Ill-disposed from worse Meditations, and
to give the leisure Hours of Business and Virtue an instructive Recreation.
If this grave Assertion is less recommended by falling
from the Pen of a Comedian, I must appeal for the Truth of it to the Tragedy
of Cato, which was first acted in 1712. 120.1 I
submit to the Judgment of those who were then the sensible Spectators of it,
if the Success and Merit of that Play was not an Evidence of every Article of
that Value which I have given to a decent Theatre? But (as I was observing) it
could not be expected the Summer
-121-
Days I am speaking of could be the constant Weather of the Year; we had our
clouded Hours as well as our sun-shine, and were not always in the same
Good-Humour with one another: Fire, Air, and Water could not be more
vexatiously opposite than the different Tempers of the Three Menagers, though
they might equally have their useful as well as their destructive Qualities.
How variously these Elements in our several Dispositions operated may be
judged from the following single Instance, as well as a thousand others,
which, if they were all to be told, might possibly make my Reader wish I had
forgot them.
Much about this time, then, there came over from Dublin
Theatre two uncelebrated Actors to pick up a few Pence among us in the Winter,
as Wilks had a Year or two before done on their side the Water in the
Summer. 121.1 But it was not so clear to Dogget
and myself that it was in their Power to do us the same Service in Drury-Lane
as Wilks might have done them in Dublin. However, Wilks
was so much a Man of Honour that he scorned to be outdone in
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the least Point of it, let the Cost be what it would to his Fellow-Menagers,
who had no particular Accounts of Honour open with them. To acquit himself
therefore with a better Grace, Wilks so order'd it, that his Hibernian
Friends were got upon our Stage before any other Menager had well heard of
their Arrival. This so generous Dispatch of their Affair gave Wilks a
very good Chance of convincing his Friends that Himself was sole Master of the
Masters of the Company. Here, now, the different Elements in our Tempers began
to work with us. While Wilks was only animated by a grateful
Hospitality to his Friends, Dogget was ruffled into a Storm, and look'd
upon this Generosity as so much Insult and Injustice upon himself and the
Fraternity. During this Disorder I stood by, a seeming quiet Passenger, and,
since talking to the Winds I knew could be to no great Purpose (whatever
Weakness it might be call'd) could not help smiling to observe with what
officious Ease and Delight Wilks was treating his Friends at our
Expence, who were scarce acquainted with them: For it seems all this was to
end in their having a Benefit-Play in the Height of the Season, for the
unprofitable Service they had done us without our Consent or Desire to employ
them. Upon this Dogget bounc'd and grew almost as untractable as Wilks
himself. Here, again, I was forc'd to clap my Patience to the Helm to weather
this difficult Point between them: Applying myself therefore to the Person I
imagin'd was most
Robert Wilks
-123-
likely to hear me, I desired Dogget "to consider that "I must
naturally be as much hurt by this vain and "over-bearing Behaviour in Wilks
as he could be; "and that tho' it was true these Actors had no Pretence
"to the Favour design'd them, yet we could "not say they had done us
any farther Harm, than "letting the Town see the Parts they had been
"shewn in, had been better done by those to whom "they properly
belong'd: Yet as we had greatly "profited by the extraordinary Labour of Wilks,
who "acted long Parts almost every Day, and at least "twice to Dogget's
once; 123.1 and that I granted it "might not be so
much his Consideration of our "common Interest, as his Fondness for
Applause, "that set him to Work, yet even that Vanity, if he
"supposed it such, had its Merit to us; and as we "had found our
Account in it, it would be Folly "upon a Punctilio to tempt the Rashness
of a Man, "who was capable to undo all he had done, by any "Act of
Extravagance that might fly into his Head: "That admitting this Benefit
might be some little "Loss to us, yet to break with him upon it could not
"but be ten times of worse Consequence, than our "overlooking his
disagreeable manner of making the "Demand upon us."
Though I found this had made Dogget drop the
Severity of his Features, yet he endeavoured still to seem uneasy, by his
starting a new Objection, which
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was, That we could not be sure even of the Charge they were to pay for it: For
Wilks, said he, you know, will go any Lengths to make it a good Day to
them, and may whisper the Door-keepers to give them the Ready-money taken, and
return the Account in such Tickets only as these Actors have not themselves
disposed of. To make this easy too, I gave him my Word to be answerable for
the Charge my self. Upon this he acceded, and accordingly they had the
Benefit-Play. But so it happen'd (whether as Dogget had suspected or
not, I cannot say) the Ready-money receiv'd fell Ten Pounds short of the Sum
they had agreed to pay for it. Upon the Saturday following, (the Day on
which we constantly made up our Accounts) I went early to the Office, and
inquired if the Ten Pounds had yet been paid in; but not hearing that one
Shilling of it had found its way thither, I immediately supply'd the Sum our
of my own Pocket, and directed the Treasurer to charge it received from me in
the deficient Receipt of the Benefit-Day. Here, now, it might be imagined, all
this silly Matter was accommodated, and that no one could so properly say he
was aggrieved as myself: But let us observe what the Consequence says -- why,
the Effect of my insolent interposing honesty prov'd to be this: That the
Party most oblig'd was the most offended; and the Offence was imputed to me
who had been Ten Pounds out of Pocket to be able to commit it: For when Wilks
found in the Account how spitefully the Ten Pounds had been paid in, he
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took me aside into the adjacent Stone-Passage, and with some Warmth ask'd me,
What I meant by pretending to pay in this Ten Pounds? And that, for his part,
he did not understand such Treatment. To which I reply'd, That tho' I was
amaz'd at his thinking himself ill-treated, I would give him a plain,
justifiable Answer. -- That I had give my Word to Dogget the Charge of
the Benefit should be fully paid, and since his Friends had neglected it, I
found myself bound to make it good. Upon which he told me I was mistaken if I
thought he did not see into the bottom of all this -- That Dogget and I
were always endeavouring to thwart and make him uneasy; but he was able to
stand upon his own Legs, and we should find he would not be used so: That he
took this Payment of the Ten Pounds as an Insult upon him and a Slight to his
Friends; but rather than suffer it he would tear the whole Business to pieces:
That I knew it was in his Power to do it; and if he could not do a civil thing
to a Friend without all this senseless Rout about it, he could be received in Ireland
upon his own Terms, and could as easily mend a Company there as he had done
here: That if he were gone, Dogget and I would not be able to keep the
Doors open a Week; and, by G -- , he would not be a Drudge for nothing. As I
knew all this was but the Foam of the high Value he had set upon himself, I
thought it not amiss to seem a little silently concerned, for the helpless
Condition to which his Resentment of the Injury I have related
-126-
was going to reduce us: For I knew I had a Friend in his Heart that, if I gave
him a little time to cool, would soon bring him to Reason: The sweet Morsel of
a Thousand Pounds a Year was not to be met with at every Table, and might
tempt a nicer Palate than his own to swallow it, when he was not out of
Humour. This I knew would always be of weight with him, when the best
Arguments I could use would be of none. I therefore gave him no farther
Provocation than by gravely telling him, We all had it in our Power to do one
another a Mischief; but I believed none of us much cared to hurt ourselves;
that if he was not of my Opinion, it would not be in my Power to hinder
whatever new Scheme he might resolve upon; that London would always
have a Play-house, and I should have some Chance in it, tho' it might not be
so good as it had been; that he might be sure, if I had thought my paying in
the Ten Pounds could have been so ill received, I should have been glad to
have saved it. Upon this he seem'd to mutter something to himself, and walk'd
off as if he had a mind to be alone. I took the Occasion, and return'd to Dogget
to finish our Accounts. In about six Minutes Wilks came in to us, not
in the best Humour, it may be imagined; yet not in so ill a one but that he
took his Share of the Ten Pounds without shewing the least Contempt of it;
which, had he been proud enough to have refused, or to have paid in himself, I
might have thought he intended to make good his Menaces, and that the
-127-
Injury I had done him would never have been forgiven; but it seems we had
different ways of thinking.
Of this kind, more or less delightful, was the Life I led
with this impatient Man for full twenty Years. Dogget, as we shall
find, could not hold it so long; but as he had more Money than I, he had not
Occasion for so much Philosophy. And thus were our Theatrical Affairs
frequently disconcerted by this irascible Commander, this Achilles of
our Confederacy, who, I may be bold to say, came very little short of the
Spirit Horace gives to that Hero in his -- Impiger, iracundus,
inexorabilis, acer. 127.1 This, then, is one of
those Personal Anecdotes of our Variances, which, as our publick Performances
were affected by it, could not, with regard to Truth and Justice, be omitted.
From this time to the Year 1712 my Memory (from which
Repository alone every Article of what I write is collected) has nothing worth
mentioning, 'till the first acting of the Tragedy of Cato. 127.2
As to the Play itself, it might be enough to say, That the Author and the
Actors had their different Hopes of Fame and Profit amply answer'd by the
Performance; but as its Success was attended with remarkable Consequences, it
may not be amiss to trace it from its several Years Concealment in the Closet,
to the Stage.
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In 1703, nine Years before it was acted, I had the
Pleasure of reading the first four Acts (which was all of it then written)
privately with Sir Richard Steele: It may be needless to say it was
impossible to lay them out of my Hand 'till I had gone thro' them, or to dwell
upon the Delight his Friendship to the Author receiv'd upon my being so warmly
pleas'd with them: But my satisfaction was as highly disappointed when he told
me, Whatever Spirit Mr. Addison had shewn in his writing it, he doubted
he would never have Courage enough to let his Cato stand the Censure of
an English Audience; that it had only been the Amusement of his leisure
Hours in Italy, and was never intended for the Stage. This Poetical
Diffidence 128.1 Sir Richard himself spoke of
with some Concern, and in the Transport of his Imagination could not help
saying, Good God! what a Part would Betterton make of Cato! But
this was seven Years before Betterton died, and when Booth (who
afterwards made his Fortune by acting it) was in his Theatrical Minority. In
the latter end of Queen Anne's Reign, when our National Politicks had
changed Hands, the Friends of Mr. Addison then thought it a proper time
to animate the Publick with the Sentiments of Cato; in a word, their
Importunities were too warm to be resisted; and it was no sooner finish'd than
hurried to the Stage, in April,
-129-
1712, 129.1 at a time when three Days a Week were
usually appointed for the Benefit Plays of particular Actors: But a Work of
that critical Importance was to make its way through all private
Considerations; nor could it possibly give place to a Custom, which the Breach
of could very little prejudice the Benefits, that on so unavoidable an
Occasion were (in part, tho' not wholly) postpon'd; it was therefore (Mondays
excepted) acted every Day for a Month to constantly crowded Houses. 129.2
As the Author had made us a Present of whatever Profits he might have claim'd
from it, we thought our selves oblig'd to spare no Cost in the proper
Decorations of it. Its coming so late in the Season to the Stage prov'd of
particular Advantage to the sharing Actors, because the Harvest of our annual
Gains was generally over before the middle of March, many select
Audiences being then usually reserv'd in favour to the Benefits of private
Actors; which fixt Engagements naturally abated the Receipts of the Days
before and after them: But this unexpected Aftercrop of Cato largely
-130-
supplied to us those Deficiencies, and was almost equal to two fruitful
Seasons in the same Year; at the Close of which the three menaging Actors
found themselves each a Gainer of thirteen hundred and fifty Pounds: But to
return to the first Reception of this Play from the Publick.
Although Cato seems plainly written upon what are
called Whig Principles, yet the Torys of that time had Sense
enough not to take it as the least Reflection upon their Administration; but,
on the contrary, they seem'd to brandish and vaunt their Approbation of every
Sentiment in favour of Liberty, which, by a publick Act of their Generosity,
was carried so high, that one Day, while the Play was acting, they collected
fifty Guineas in the Boxes, and made a Present of them to Booth, with
this Compliment -- For his honest Opposition to a perpetual Dictator, and
his dying so bravely in the Cause of Liberty: What was insinuated by any
Part of these Words is not my Affair; 130.1 but so
publick a Reward had the Appearance of a laudable Spirit, which only such a
Play as Cato could have inspired; nor could Booth be blam'd if,
upon so particular a Distinction of his Merit, he began himself to set more
Value upon it: How far he might carry it, in making use of the Favour he stood
in with a certain Nobleman 130.2 then in Power at Court,
was not difficult
-131-
to penetrate, and indeed ought always to have been expected by the menaging
Actors: For which of them (making the Case every way his own) could with such
Advantages have contented himself in the humble Station of an hired Actor? But
let us see how the Menagers stood severally affected upon this Occasion.
Dogget, who expected, though he fear'd not, the
Attempt of what after happen'd, imagin'd he had thought of an Expedient to
prevent it: And to cover his Design with all the Art of a Statesman, he
insinuated to us (for he was a staunch Whig) that this Present of fifty
Guineas was a sort of a Tory Triumph which they had no Pretence to; and
that for his Part he could not bear that so redoubted a Champion for Liberty
as Cato should be bought off to the Cause of a Contrary Party: He
therefore, in the seeming Zeal of his Heart, proposed that the Menagers
themselves should make the same Present to Booth which had been made
him from the Boxes the Day before. This, he said, would recommend the Equality
and liberal Spirit of our Menagement to the Town, and might be a Means to
secure Booth more firmly in our Interest, it never having been known
that the Skill of the best Actor had receiv'd so round a Reward or Gratuity in
one Day
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before. Wilks, who wanted nothing but Abilities to be as cunning as Dogget,
was so charm'd with the Proposal that he long'd that Moment to make Booth
the Present with his own Hands; and though he knew he had no Right to do it
without my Consent, had no Patience to ask it; upon which I turned to Dogget
with a cold Smile, and told him, that if Booth could be purchas'd at so
cheap a Rate, it would be one of the best Proofs of his Oeconomy we had ever
been beholden to: I therefore desired we might have a little Patience; that
our doing it too hastily might be only making sure of an Occasion to throw the
fifty Guineas away; for if we should be obliged to do better for him, we could
never expect that Booth would think himself bound in Honour to refund
them. This seem'd so absurd an Argument to Wilks that he began, with
his usual Freedom of Speech, to treat it as a pitiful Evasion of their
intended Generosity: But Dogget, who was not so wide of my Meaning,
clapping his Hand upon mine, said, with an Air of Security, O! don't trouble
yourself! there must be two Words to that Bargain; let me alone to menage that
Matter. Wilks, upon this dark Discourse, grew uneasy, as if there were
some Secret between us that he was to be left out of. Therefore, to avoid the
Shock of his Intemperance, I was reduc'd to tell him that it was my Opinion,
that Booth would never be made easy by any thing we could do for him,
'till he had a Share in the Profits and Menagement; and that, as he did not
want Friends
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to assist him, whatever his Merit might be before, every one would think,
since his acting of Cato, he had now enough to back his Pretensions to
it. To which Dogget reply'd, that nobody could think his Merit was
slighted by so handsome a Present as fifty Guineas; and that, for his farther
Pretensions, whatever the License might avail, our Property of House, Scenes,
and Cloaths were our own, and not in the Power of the Crown to dispose of. To
conclude, my Objections that the Money would be only thrown away, &c.
were over-rul'd, and the same Night Booth had the fifty Guineas, which
he receiv'd with a Thankfulness that made Wilks and Dogget
perfectly easy, insomuch that they seem'd for some time to triumph in their
Conduct, and often endeavour'd to laugh my Jealousy out of Countenance: But in
the following Winter the Game happen'd to take a different Turn; and then, if
it had been a laughing Matter, I had as strong an Occasion to smile at their
former Security. But before I make an End of this Matter, I cannot pass over
the good Fortune of the Company that followed us to the Act at Oxford,
which was held in the intervening Summer: Perhaps, too, a short View of the
Stage in that different Situation may not be unacceptable to the Curious.
After the Restoration of King Charles, before the Cavalier
and Round-head Parties, under their new Denomination of Whig and
Tory, began again to be politically troublesome, publick Acts at Oxford
(as I
-134-
find by the Date of several Prologues written by Dryden 134.1
for Hart on those Occasions) had been more frequently held than in late
Reigns. Whether the same Party-Dissentions may have occasion'd the
Discontinuance of them, is a Speculation not necessary to be enter'd into. But
these Academical Jubilees have usually been look'd upon as a kind of
congratulatory Compliment to the Accession of every new Prince to the Throne,
and generally, as such, have attended them. King James 134.2
, notwithstanding his Religion, had the Honour of it; at which the Players, as
usual, assisted. This I have only mention'd to give the Reader a Theatrical
Anecdote of a Liberty which Tony Leigh the Comedian took with the
Character of the well known Obadiah Walker, 134.3
then Head of University College, who in that Prince's Reign had turn'd Roman
Catholick: The Circumstance is this.
In the latter End of the Comedy call'd the Committee,
Leigh, who acted the Part of Teague, hauling in Obadiah with
an Halter about his Neck, whom, according to his written Part, he was to
threaten to hang for no better Reason than his refusing to drink
-135-
the King's Health, (but here Leigh) to justify his Purpose with a
stronger Provocation, put himself into a more than ordinary Heat with his
Captive Obadiah, which having heightened his Master's Curiosity to know
what Obadiah had done to deserve such Usage, Leigh, folding his
Arms, with a ridiculous Stare of Astonishment, reply'd -- Upon my Shoule,
he has shange his Religion. As the Merit of this Jest lay chiefly in the
Auditors' sudden Application of it to the Obadiah of Oxford, it
was received with all the Triumph of Applause which the Zeal of a different
Religion could inspire. But Leigh was given to understand that the King
was highly displeased at it, inasmuch as it had shewn him that the University
was in a Temper to make a Jest of his Proselyte. But to return to the Conduct
of our own Affairs there in 1712. 135.1
It had been a Custom for the Comedians while at Oxford
to act twice a Day; the first Play ending every Morning before the College
Hours of dining, and the other never to break into the time of shutting their
Gates in the Evening. This extraordinary Labour gave all the hired Actors a
Title to double Pay, which, at the Act in King William's Time, I had
myself accordingly received there. But the present Menagers considering that,
by acting only once a Day, their Spirits might be fresher for every single
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Performance, and that by this Means they might be able to fill up the Term of
their Residence, without the Repetition of their best and strongest Plays; and
as their Theatre was contrived to hold a full third more than the usual Form
of it had done, one House well fill'd might answer the Profits of two but
moderately taken up: Being enabled, too, by their late Success at London,
to make the Journey pleasant and profitable to the rest of their Society, they
resolved to continue to them their double Pay, notwithstanding this new
Abatement of half their Labour. This Conduct of the Menagers more than
answer'd their Intention, which was rather to get nothing themselves than not
let their Fraternity be the better for the Expedition. Thus they laid an
Obligation upon their Company, and were themselves considerably, though
unexpected, Gainers by it. But my chief Reason for bringing the Reader to Oxford
was to shew the different Taste of Plays there from that which prevail'd at London.
A great deal of that false, flashy Wit and forc'd Humour, which had been the
Delight of our Metropolitan Multitude, was only rated there at its bare
intrinsick Value; 136.1 Applause was not to be purchased
there
-137-
but by the true Sterling, the Sal Atticum of a Genius, unless where the
Skill of the Actor pass'd it upon them with some extraordinary Strokes of
Nature. Shakespear and Johnson had there a sort of classical
Authority; for whose masterly Scenes they seem'd to have as implicit a
Reverence as formerly for the Ethicks of Aristotle; and were as
incapable of allowing Moderns to be their Competitors, as of changing their
Academical Habits for gaudy Colours or Embroidery. Whatever Merit, therefore,
some few of our more politely-written Comedies might pretend to, they had not
the same Effect upon the Imagination there, nor were received with that
extraordinary Applause they had met with from the People of Mode and Pleasure
in London, whose vain Accomplishments did not dislike themselves in the
Glass that was held to them: The elegant Follies of higher Life were not at Oxford
among their Acquaintance, and consequently might not be so good Company to a
learned Audience as Nature, in her plain Dress and unornamented, in her
Pursuits and Inclinations seem'd to be.
The only distinguish'd Merit allow'd to any modern Writer
137.1 was to the Author of Cato, which
-138-
Play being the Flower of a Plant raised in that learned Garden, (for there Mr.
Addison had his Education) what favour may we not suppose was due to
him from an Audience of Brethren, who from that local Relation to him might
naturally have a warmer Pleasure in their Benevolence to his Fame? But not to
give more Weight to this imaginary Circumstance than it may bear, the Fact
was, that on our first Day of acting it our House was in a manner invested,
and Entrance demanded by twelve a Clock at Noon, and before one it was not
wide enough for many who came too late for Places. The same Crowds continued
for three Days together, (an uncommon Curiosity in that Place) and the Death
of Cato triumph'd over the Injuries of Cæsar every where. To
conclude, our Reception at Oxford, whatever our Merit might be,
exceeded our Expectation. At our taking Leave we had the Thanks of the
Vice-Chancellor for the Decency and Order observ'd by our whole Society, an
Honour which had not always been paid upon the same Occasions; for at
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the Act in King William's Time I remember some Pranks of a different
Nature had been complain'd of. Our Receipts had not only enabled us (as I have
observ'd) to double the Pay of every Actor, but to afford out of them towards
the Repair of St. Mary's Church the Contribution of fifty Pounds:
Besides which, each of the three Menagers had to his respective Share, clear
of all Charges, one hundred and fifty more for his one and twenty Day's
Labour, which being added to his thirteen hundred and fifty shared in the
Winter preceding, amounted in the whole to fifteen hundred, the greatest Sum
ever known to have been shared in one Year to that Time: And to the Honour of
our Auditors here and elsewhere be it spoken, all this was rais'd without the
Aid of those barbarous Entertainments with which, some few Years after (upon
the Re-establishment of two contending Companies) we were forc'd to disgrace
the Stage to support it.
This, therefore, is that remarkable Period when the
Stage, during my Time upon it, was the least reproachable: And it may be worth
the publick Observation (if any thing I have said of it can be so) that One
Stage may, as I have prov'd it has done, very laudably support it self by such
Spectacles only as are fit to delight a sensible People; but the equal
Prosperity of Two Stages has always been of a very short Duration. If
therefore the Publick should ever recover into the true Taste of that Time,
and stick to it, the Stage must come into it, or starve; as,
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whenever the general Taste is vulgar, the Stage must come down to it to live.
-- But I ask Pardon of the Multitude, who, in all Regulations of the Stage,
may expect to be a little indulg'd in what they like: If therefore they will
have a May-pole, why, the Players must give them a May-pole; but I only
speak in case they should keep an old Custom of changing their Minds, and by
their Privilege of being in the wrong, should take a Fancy, by way of
Variety, of being in the right -- Then, in such a Case, what I have
said may appear to have been no intended Design against their Liberty of
judging for themselves.
After our Return from Oxford, Booth was at full
Leisure to solicit his Admission to a Share in the Menagement, 140.1
in which he succeeded about the Beginning of the following Winter: Accordingly
a new License (recalling all former Licenses) was issued, wherein Booth's
Name was added to those of the other Menagers. 140.2 But
still there was a Difficulty in his Qualification to be adjusted; what
Consideration
-141-
he should allow for an equal Title to our Stock of Cloaths, Scenes, &c.
without which the License was of no more use than the Stock was without the
License; or, at least, if there were any Difference, the former Menagers
seem'd to have the Advantage in it; the Stock being intirely theirs, and three
Parts in four of the License; for Collier, though now but a fifth
Menager, still insisted on his former Appointment of 700l. a Year,
which in Equity ought certainly to have been proportionably abated: But
Court-Favour was not always measur'd by that Yard; Collier's
Matter was soon out of the Question; his Pretensions were too visible to be
contested; but the Affair of Booth was not so clear a Point: The Lord
Chamberlain, therefore, only recommended it to be adjusted among our selves;
which, to say the Truth, at that Time was a greater Indulgence than I
expected. Let us see, then, how this critical Case was handled.
Wilks was of Opinion, that to set a good round
Value upon our Stock, was the only way to come near an Equivalent for the
Diminution of our Shares, which the Admission of Booth must occasion:
But Dogget insisted that he had no mind to dispose of any Part of his
Property, and therefore would set no Price upon it at all. Though I allow'd
that Both these Opinions might be grounded on a good deal of Equity, yet I was
not sure that either of them was practicable; and therefore told them, that
when they could Both agree which of them could be made so,
-142-
they might rely on my Consent in any Shape. In the mean time I desired they
would consider, that as our License subsisted only during Pleasure, we could
not pretend that the Queen might not recall or alter it: But that to speak
out, without mincing the matter on either Side, the Truth was plainly this:
That Booth had a manifest Merit as an Actor; and as he was not supposed
to be a Whig, it was as evident that a good deal for that Reason a
Secretary of State had taken him into his Protection, which I was afraid the
weak Pretence of our invaded Property would not be able to contend with: That
his having signaliz'd himself in the Character of Cato (whose
Principles the Tories had affected to have taken into their own
Possession) was a very popular Pretence of making him free of the Stage, by
advancing him to the Profits of it. And, as we had seen that the Stage was
frequently treated as if it was not suppos'd to have any Property at all, this
Favour intended to Booth was thought a right Occasion to avow that
Opinion by disposing of its Property at Pleasure: But be that as it might, I
own'd it was not so much my Apprehensions of what the Court might do,
that sway'd me into an Accommodation with Booth, as what the Town,
(in whose Favour he now apparently stood) might think ought to be done:
That there might be more danger in contesting their arbitrary Will and
Pleasure than in disputing this less terrible Strain of the Prerogative. That
if Booth were only impos'd upon us from his Merit to the Court, we were
-143-
then in the Condition of other Subjects: Then, indeed, Law, Right, and
Possession might have a tolerable Tug for our Property: But as the Town would
always look upon his Merit to them in a stronger Light, and be Judges
of it themselves, it would be a weak and idle Endeavour in us not to sail with
the Stream, when we might possibly make a Merit of our cheerfully admitting
him: That though his former Opposition to our Interest might, between Man and
Man, a good deal justify our not making an earlier Friend of him; yet that was
a Disobligation out of the Town's Regard, and consequently would be of no
weight against so approv'd an Actor's being preferr'd. But all this
notwithstanding, if they could both agree in a different Opinion, I would, at
the Hazard of any Consequence, be guided by it.
Here, now, will be shewn another Instance of our
different Tempers: Dogget (who, in all Matters that concern'd our
common Weal and Interest, little regarded our Opinion, and even to an
Obstinacy walk'd by his own) look'd only out of Humour at what I had said,
and, without thinking himself oblig'd to give any Reason for it, declar'd he
would maintain his Property. Wilks (who, upon the same Occasions, was
as remarkably ductile, as when his Superiority on the Stage was in question he
was assuming and intractable) said, for his Part, provided our Business of
acting was not interrupted, he did not care what we did: But, in short, he was
for playing on, come what would of it. This last Part of his Declaration
-144-
I did not dislike, and therefore I desir'd we might all enter into an
immediate Treaty with Booth, upon the Terms of his Admission. Dogget
still sullenly reply'd, that he had no Occasion to enter into any Treaty. Wilks
then, to soften him, propos'd that, if I liked it, Dogget might
undertake it himself. I agreed. No! he would not be concern'd in it. I then
offer'd the same trust to Wilks, if Dogget approv'd of it. Wilks
said he was not good at making of Bargains, but if I was willing, he would
rather leave it to me. Dogget at this rose up and said, we might both
do as we pleas'd, but that nothing but he Law should make him part with his
Property -- and so went out of the Room. After which he never came among us
more, either as an Actor of Menager. 144.1
By his having in this abrupt manner abdicated his Post in
our Government, what he left of it naturally devolv'd upon Wilks and
myself. However, this did not so much distress our Affair as I have Reason to
believe Dogget thought it would: For though by our Indentures
tripartite we could not dispose of his Property without his Consent; Yet those
Indentures could not oblige us to fast because he had no Appetite; and if the
Mill did not grind, we could have no Bread: We therefore determin'd, at any
Hazard, to keep our Business still going, and that our safest way would be to
make the best Bargain we could with Booth; one Article of which was to
be, That Booth should stand equally answerable with
-145-
us to Dogget for the Consequence: To which Booth made to
Objection, and the rest of his Agreement was to allow us Six Hundred Pounds
for his Share in our Property, which was to be paid by such Sums as should
arise form half his Profits of Acting, 'till the whole was discharg'd: Yet so
cautious were we in this Affair, that this Agreement was only Verbal on our
Part, tho' written and sign'd by Booth as what intirely contented him:
However, Bond and Judgment could not have made it more secure to him; for he
had his Share, and was able to discharge the Incumbrance upon it by his Income
of that Year only. Let us see what Dogget did in this Affair after he
had left us.
Might it not be imagin'd that Wilks and Myself, by
having made this Matter easy to Booth, should have deserv'd the
Approbation at least, if not the Favour of the Court that had exerted so much
Power to prefer him? But shall I be believed when I affirm that Dogget,
who had so strongly oppos'd the Court in his Admission to a Share, was very
near getting the better of us both upon that Account, and for some time
appeared to have more Favour there than either of us? Let me tell out my
Story, and then think what you please of it.
Dogget, who was equally oblig'd with us to act
upon the Stage, as to assist in the Menagement of it, tho' he had refus'd to
do either, still demanded of us his whole Share of the Profits, without
considering what Part of them Booth might pretend to from our
-146-
late Concessions. After many fruitless Endeavours to bring him back to us, Booth
join'd with us in making him an Offer of half a Share if he had a mind totally
to quit the Stage, and make it a Sinecure. No! he wanted the whole, and
to sit still himself, while we (if we pleased) might work for him or let it
alone, and none of us all, neither he nor we, be the better for it. What we
imagin'd encourag'd him to hold us at this short Defiance was, that he had
laid up enough to live upon without the Stage (for he was one of those close
Oeconomists whom Prodigals call a Miser) and therefore, partly from an
Inclination as an invincible Whig to signalize himself in defence of
his Property, and as much presuming that our Necessities would oblige us to
come to his own Terms, he was determin'd (even against the Opinion of his
Friends) to make no other Peace with us. But not being able by this inflexible
Perseverance to have his wicked Will of us, he was resolv'd to go to the
Fountain-head of his own Distress, and try if from thence he could turn the
Current against us. He appeal'd to the Vice-Chamberlain, 146.1
to whose Direction the adjusting of all these Theatrical Difficulties was then
committed: But there, I dare say, the Reader does not expect he should meet
with much Favour: However, be that as it may; for whether any regard was had
to his having some Thousands in his Pocket; or that he was consider'd as a Man
who would or could make
-147-
more Noise in the Matter than Courtiers might care for: Or what Charms,
Spells, or Conjurations he might make use of, is all Darkness to me; yet so it
was, he one way or other play'd his part so well, that in a few Days after we
received an Order from the Vice-Chamberlain, positively commanding us to pay Dogget
his whole Share, notwithstanding we had complain'd before of his having
withdrawn himself from acting on the Stage, and from the Menagement of it.
This I thought was a dainty Distinction, indeed! that Dogget's Defiance
of the Commands in favour of Booth should be rewarded with so ample a Sine-cure,
and that we for our Obedience should be condemn'd to dig in the Mine to pay it
him! This bitter Pill, I confess, was more than I could down with, and
therefore soon determin'd at all Events never to take it. But as I had a Man
in Power to deal with, it was not my business to speak out to him, or
to set forth our Treatment in its proper Colours. My only Doubt was, Whether I
could bring Wilks into the same Sentiments (for he never car'd to
litigate any thing that did not affect his Figure upon the Stage.) But I had
the good Fortune to lay our Condition in so precarious and disagreeable a
Light to him, if we submitted to this Order, that he fir'd before I could get
thro' half the Consequences of it; and I began now to find it more difficult
to keep him within Bounds than I had before to alarm him. I then propos'd to
him this Expedient: That we should draw up a Remonstrance, neither seeming
-148-
to refuse or comply with this Order; but to start such Objections and
perplexing Difficulties that should make the whole impracticable: That under
such Distractions as this would raise in our Affairs we could not be
answerable to keep open our Doors, which consequently would destroy the Fruit
of the Favour lately granted to Booth, as well as of This intended to Dogget
himself. To this Remonstrance we received an Answer in Writing, which varied
something in the Measures to accommodate Matters with Dogget. This was
all I desir'd; when I found the Style of Sic jubeo was alter'd, when
this formidable Power began to parley with us, we knew there could not
be much to be fear'd from it: For I would have remonstrated 'till I had died,
rather than have yielded to the roughest or smoothest Persuasion, that could
intimidate or deceive us. By this Conduct we made the Affair at last too
troublesome for the Ease of a Courtier to go thro's with. For when it was
consider'd that the principal Point, the Admission of Booth, was got
over, Dogget was fairly left to the Law for Relief. 148.1
-149-
Upon this Disappointment Dogget accordingly
preferred a Bill in Chancery against us. Wilks, who hated all
Business but that of entertaining the Publick, left the Conduct of our Cause
to me; in which we had, at our first setting out, this Advantage of Dogget,
that we had three Pockets to support our Expence, where he had but One. My
first Direction to our Solicitor was, to use all possible Delay that the Law
would admit of, a Direction that Lawyers seldom neglect; by this means we hung
up our Plaintiff about two Years in Chancery, 'till we were at full
Leisure to come to a Hearing before the Lord-Chancellor Cooper, which
did not happen 'till after the Accession of his late Majesty. The Issue of it
was this. Dogget had about fourteen Days allow'd him to make his
Election whether he would
-150-
return to act as usual: But he declaring, by his Counsel, That he rather chose
to quit the Stage, he was decreed Six Hundred Pounds for his Share in our
Property, with 15 per Cent. Interest from the Date of the last License:
Upon the Receipt of which both Parties were to sign General-Releases, and
severally to pay their own Costs. By this Decree, Dogget, when his
Lawyer's Bill was paid, scarce got one Year's Purchase of what we had offer'd
him without Law, which (as he surviv'd but seven Years after it) would have
been an Annuity of Five Hundred Pounds and a Sine Cure for Life. 150.1
Tho' there are many Persons living who know every Article
of these Facts to be true: Yet it will be found that the strongest of them was
not the strongest Occasion of Dogget's quitting the Stage. If therefore
the Reader should not have Curiosity enough to know how the Publick came to be
depriv'd of so valuable an Actor, let him consider that he is not obliged to
go through the rest of this Chapter, which I fairly tell him before-hand will
only be fill'd up with a few idle Anecdotes leading to that Discovery.
After our Law-suit was ended, Dogget for some few
Years could scarce bear the Sight of Wilks or myself; tho' (as shall be
shewn) for different Reasons: Yet it was his Misfortune to meet with us almost
every Day. Button's Coffee-house, so celebrated in
-151-
the Tatlers for the Good-Company that came there, was at this time in
its highest Request. Addison, Steele, Pope, and several other Gentlemen
of different Merit, then made it their constant Rendezvous. Nor could Dogget
decline the agreeable Conversation there, tho' he was daily sure to find Wilks
or myself in the same Place to sour his Share of it: For as Wilks and
He were differently Proud, the one rejoicing in a captious, over-bearing,
valiant Pride, and the other in a stiff, sullen, Purse-Pride, it may be easily
conceiv'd, when two such Tempers met, how agreeable the Sight of one was to
the other. And as Dogget knew I had been the Conductor of our Defence
against his Law-suit, which had hurt him more for the Loss he had sustain'd in
his Reputation of understanding Business, which he valued himself upon, than
his Disappointment had of getting so little by it; it was no wonder if I was
intirely out of his good Graces, which I confess I was inclin'd upon any
reasonable Terms to have recover'd; he being of all my Theatrical Brethren the
Man I most delighted in: For when he was not in a Fit of Wisdom, or not
over-concerned about his Interest, he had a great deal of entertaining Humour:
I therefore, notwithstanding his Reserve, always left the Door open to our
former Intimacy, if he were inclined to come into it. I never failed to give
him my Hat and Your Servant wherever I met him; neither of which he
would ever return for above a Year after; but I still persisted in my usual
Salutation, without observing
-152-
whether it was civilly received or not. This ridiculous Silence between two
Comedians, that had so lately liv'd in a constant Course of Raillery with one
another, was often smil'd at by our Acquaintance who frequented the same
Coffee-house: And one of them carried his Jest upon it so far, that when I was
at some Distance from Town he wrote me a formal Account that Dogget was
actually dead. After the first Surprize his Letter gave me was over, I began
to consider, that this coming from a droll Friend to both of us, might
possibly be written to extract some Merriment out of my real belief of it: In
this I was not unwilling to gratify him, and returned an Answer as if I had
taken the Truth of his News for granted; and was not a little pleas'd that I
had so fair an Opportunity of speaking my Mind freely of Dogget, which
I did, in some Favour of his Character; I excused his Faults, and was just to
his Merit. His Law-suit with us I only imputed to his having naturally
deceived himself in the Justice of his Cause. What I most complain'd of was,
his irreconcilable Disaffection to me upon it, whom he could not reasonably
blame for standing in my own Defence; that not to endure me after it was a
Reflection upon his Sense, when all our Acquaintance had been Witnesses of our
former Intimacy, which my Behaviour in his Life-time had plainly shewn him I
had a mind to renew. But since he was now gone (however great a Churl he was
to me) I was sorry my Correspondent had lost him.
-153-
This Part of my Letter I was sure, if Dogget's
Eyes were still open, would be shewn to him; if not, I had only writ it to no
Purpose. But about a Month after, when I came to Town, I had some little
Reason to imagine it had the Effect I wish'd from it: For one Day, sitting
over-against him at the same Coffee-house where we often mixt at the same
Table, tho' we never exchanged a single Syllable, he graciously extended his
Hand for a Pinch of my Snuff: As this seem'd from him a sort of breaking the
Ice of his Temper, I took Courage upon it to break Silence on my Side, and
ask'd him how he lik'd it? To which, with a slow Hesitation naturally assisted
by the Action of his taking the Snuff, he reply'd -- Umh! the best -- Umh!
-- I have tasted a great while! -- If the Reader, who may possibly think
all this extremely trifling, will consider that Trifles sometimes shew
Characters in as strong a Light as Facts of more serious Importance, I am in
hopes he may allow that my Matter less needs an Excuse than the Excuse itself
does; if not, I must stand condemn'd at the end of my Story. -- But let me go
on.
After a few Days of these coy, Lady-like Compliances on
his Side, we grew into a more conversable Temper: At last I took a proper
Occasion, and desired he would be so frank with me as to let me know what was
his real Dislike, or Motive, that made him throw up so good an Income as his
Share with us annually brought him in? For though by our Admission of Booth,
it might not probably amount to
-154-
so much by a Hundred or two a Year as formerly, yet the Remainder was too
considerable to be quarrel'd with, and was likely to continue more than the
best Actors before us had ever got by the Stage. And farther, to encourage him
to be open, I told him, If I had done any thing that had particularly
disobliged him, I was ready, if he could put me in the way, to make him any
Amends in my Power; if not, I desired he would be so just to himself as to let
me know the real Truth without Reserve: But Reserve he could not, from his
natural Temper, easily shake off. All he said came from him by half Sentences
and Inuendos, as -- No, he had not taken any thing particularly ill --
for his Part, he was very easy as he was; but where others were to dispose of
his Property as they pleas'd -- if you had stood it out as I did, Booth
might have paid a better Price for it. -- You were too much afraid of the
Court -- but that's all over. -- There were other things in the Playhouse. --
No Man of Spirit. -- In short, to be always pester'd and provok'd by a
trifling Wasp -- a -- vain -- shallow! -- A Man would sooner beg his Bread
than bear it. -- (Here it was easy to understand him: I therefore ask'd him
what he had to bear that I had not my Share of?) No! it was not the same
thing, he said. -- You can play with a Bear, or let him alone and do what he
would, but I could not let him lay his Paws upon me without being hurt; you
did not feel him as I did. -- And for a Man to be cutting of Throats upon
every Trifle at my time of Day! -- If I had been as
-155-
covetous as he thought me, may be I might have born it as well as you -- but I
would not be a Lord of the Treasury if such a Temper as Wilks's were to
be at the Head of it. --
Here, then, the whole Secret was out. The rest of our
Conversation was but explaining upon it. In a Word, the painful Behaviour of Wilks
had hurt him so sorely that the Affair of Booth was look'd upon as much
a Relief as a Grievance, in giving him so plausible a Pretence to get rid of
us all with a better Grace.
Booth too, in a little time, had his Share of the
same Uneasiness, and often complain'd of it to me: Yet as we neither of us
could then afford to pay Dogget's Price for our Remedy, all we could do
was to avoid every Occasion in our Power of inflaming the Distemper: So that
we both agreed, tho' Wilks's Nature was not to be changed, it was a
less Evil to live with him than without him.
Tho' I had often suspected, from what I had felt myself,
that the Temper of Wilks was Dogget's real Quarrel to the Stage,
yet I could never thoroughly believe it 'till I had it from his own Mouth. And
I then thought the Concern he had shewn at it was a good deal inconsistent
with that Understanding which was generally allow'd him. When I give my
Reasons for it, perhaps the Reader will not have a better Opinion of my own:
Be that as it may, I cannot help wondering that he who was so much more
capable of Reflexion than Wilks, could sacrifice
-156-
so valuable an Income to his Impatience of another's natural Frailty! And
though my Stoical way of thinking may be no Rule for a wiser Man's Opinion,
yet, if it should happen to be right, the Reader may make his Use of it. Why
then should we not always consider that the Rashness of Abuse is but the false
Reason of a weak Man? and that offensive Terms are only used to supply the
want of Strength in Argument? Which, as to the common Practice of the sober
World, we do not find every Man in Business is oblig'd to resent with a
military Sense of Honour: Or if he should, would not the Conclusion amount to
this? Because another wants Sense and Manners I am obliged to be a Madman: For
such every Man is, more or less, while the Passion of Anger is in Possession
of him. And what less can we call that proud Man who would put another out of
the World only for putting him out of Humour? If Accounts of the Tongue were
always to be made up with the Sword, all the Wisemen in the World might be
brought in Debtors to Blockheads. And when Honour pretends to be Witness,
Judge, and Executioner in its own Cause, if Honour were a Man, would it be an
Untruth to say Honour is a very impudent Fellow? But in Dogget's Case
it may be ask'd, How was he to behave himself? Were passionate Insults to be
born for Years together? To these Questions I can only answer with two or
three more, Was he to punish himself because another was in the wrong? How
many sensible Husbands endure
-157-
the teizing Tongue of a froward Wife only because she is the weaker Vessel?
And why should not a weak Man have the same Indulgence? Daily Experience will
tell us that the fretful Temper of a Friend, like the Personal Beauty of a
fine Lady, by Use and Cohabitation may be brought down to give us neither Pain
nor Pleasure. Such, at least, and no more, was the Distress I found myself in
upon the same Provocations, which I generally return'd with humming an Air to
myself; or if the Storm grew very high, it might perhaps sometimes ruffle me
enough to sing a little out of Tune. Thus too (if I had any ill Nature to
gratify) I often saw the unruly Passion of the Aggressor's Mind punish itself
by a restless Disorder of the Body.
What inclines me, therefore, to think the Conduct of Dogget
was as rash as the Provocations he complain'd of, is that in some time after
he had left us he plainly discover'd he had repented it. His Acquaintance
observ'd to us, that he sent many a long Look after his Share in the still
prosperous State of the Stage: But as his Heart was too high to declare (what
we saw too) his shy Inclination to return, he made us no direct Overtures.
Nor, indeed, did we care (though he was a golden Actor) to pay too dear for
him: For as most of his Parts had been pretty well supply'd, he could not now
be of his former Value to us. However, to shew the Town at least that he had
not forsworn the Stage, he one Day condescended
-158-
to play for the Benefit of Mrs. Porter, 158.1 in
the Wanton Wife, at which he knew his late Majesty was to be present. 158.2
Now (tho' I speak it not of my own Knowledge) yet it was not likely Mrs. Porter
would have ask'd that Favour of him without some previous Hint that it would
be granted. His coming among us for that Day only had a strong Appearance of
his laying it in our way to make him Proposals, or that he hoped the Court or
Town might intimate to us their Desire of seeing him oftener: But as he acted
only to do a particular Favour, the Menagers ow'd him no Compliment for it
beyond Common Civilities. And, as that might not be all he proposed by it, his
farther Views (if he had any) came to nothing. For after this Attempt he never
returned to the Stage.
To speak of him as an Actor: He was the most an Original,
and the strictest Observer of Nature, of all his Contemporaries. 158.3
He borrow'd from none of them: His Manner was his own: He was a Pattern
-159-
to others, whose greatest Merit was that they had sometimes tolerably imitated
him. In dressing a Character to the greatest Exactness he was remarkably
skilful; the least Article of whatever Habit he wore seem'd in some degree to
speak and mark the different Humour he presented; a necessary Care in a
Comedian, in which many have been too remiss or ignorant. He could be
extremely ridiculous without stepping into the least Impropriety to make him
so. His greatest Success was in Characters of lower Life, which he improv'd
form the Delight he took in his Observations of that Kind in the real World.
In Songs, and particular Dances, too, of Humour, he had no Competitor. Congreve
was a great Admirer of him, and found his Account in the Characters he
expresly wrote for him. In those of Fondlewife, in his Old
Batchelor, and Ben, in Love for Love, no Author and Actor
could be more obliged to their mutual masterly Performances. He was very
acceptable to several Persons of high Rank and Taste: Tho' he seldom car'd to
be the Comedian but among his more intimate Acquaintance.
And now let me ask the World a Question. When Men have
any valuable Qualities, why are the generality of our modern Wits so fond of
exposing their Failings only, which the wisest of Mankind will never wholly be
free from? Is it of more use to the Publick to know their Errors than their
Perfections? Why is the Account of Life to be so unequally stated? Though a
Man may be sometimes
-160-
Debtor to Sense or Morality, is it not doing him Wrong not to let the World
see, at the same time, how far he may be Creditor to both? Are Defects and
Disproportions to be the only labour'd Features in a Portrait? But perhaps
such Authors may know how to please the World better than I do, and may
naturally suppose that what is delightful to themselves may not be
disagreeable to other. For my own part, I confess myself a little touch'd in
Conscience at what I have just now observ'd to the Disadvantage of my other
Brother-Menager.
If, therefore, in discovering the true Cause of the
Publick's losing so valuable an Actor as Dogget, I have been obliged to
shew the Temper of Wilks in its natural Complexion, ought I not, in
amends and Balance of his Imperfections, to say at the same time of him, That
if he was not the most Correct or Judicious, yet (as Hamlet says of the
King his Father) Take him for All in All, &c. he was
certainly the most diligent, most laborious, and most useful Actor that I have
seen upon the Stage in Fifty Years. 160.1
[120.1] This is a blunder, which, by the way, Bellchambers
does not correct. "Cato" was produced at Drury Lane on 14th April,
1713. The cast was: --
- CATO.................Mr. Booth.
- LUCIUS...............Mr. Keen.
- SEMPRONIUS...........Mr. Mills.
- JUBA.................Mr. Wilks.
- SYPHAX...............Mr. Cibber.
- PORTIUS..............Mr. Powell.
- MARCUS...............Mr. Ryan.
- DECIUS...............Mr. Bowman.
- MARCIA...............Mrs. Oldfield.
- LUCIA................Mrs. Porter.
[121.1] "The Laureat" says these Irish actors were
Elrington and Griffith, but I venture to think that Evans's name should be
substituted for that of Griffith. All three came from Ireland to Drury Lane in
1714; but, while Elrington and Evans played many important characters,
Griffith did very little. Again, I can find no record of the latter's benefit,
but the others had benefits in the best part of the season. The fact that they
had separate benefits makes my theory contradict Cibber on this one
point; but what he says may have occurred in connection with one of the two
benefits. Cibber's memory is not infallible.
[123.1] Genest's record gives Wilks about one hundred and
fifty different characters, Dogget only about sixty.
[127.1] Horace, Ars Poetica, 121.
[127.2] See note on page 120.
[128.1] Johnson (Life of Addison) terms this "the
despicable cant of literary modesty."
[129.1] 14th April, 1713. See note on page 120.
[129.2] Mrs. Oldfield, Powell, Mills, Booth, Pinkethman, and
Mrs. Porter, had their benefits before "Cato" was produced.
"Cato" was then acted twenty times -- April 14th to May 9th -- that
is, every evening except Monday in each week, as Cibber states. On Monday
nights the benefits continued -- being one night in the week instead of three.
Johnson, Keen, and Mrs. Bicknell had their benefits during the run of
"Cato," and on May 11th the regular benefit performances
recommenced, Mrs. Rogers taking her benefit on that night.
[130.1] The Duke of Marlborough is the person pointed at.
[130.2] Theo. Cibber ("Life of Booth," p. 6) says
that Booth in his early days as an actor became intimate with Lord
Bolingbroke, and that this "was of eminent advantage to Mr. Booth,
-- when, on his great Success in the Part of CATO (of which he was the
original Actor) my Lord's Interest (then Secretary of State) established him
as a Manager of the Theatre."
[134.1] There are five Prologues by Dryden spoken at Oxford;
one in 1674, and the others probably about 1681.
[134.2] James II.
[134.3] Obadiah Walker, born 1616, died 1699, is famous only
for the change of religion to which Cibber's anecdote refers. Macaulay
("History," 1858, ii. 85-86) relates the story of his perversion,
and in the same volume, page 283, refers to the incident here told by Cibber.
[135.1] 1713. The performance on 23rd June, 1713, was
announced as the last that season, as the company were obliged to go
immediately to Oxford.
[136.1] Dryden writes, in one of his Prologues (about 1681), to the
University of Oxford: --
"When our fop gallants, or our city folly,
Clap over-loud, it makes us melancholy:
We doubt that scene which does their wonder raise,
And, for their ignorance, contemn their praise.
Judge, then, if we who act, and they who write,
Should not be proud of giving you delight.
London likes grossly; but this nicer pit
Examines, fathoms, all the depths of wit;
The ready finger lays on every blot;
Knows what should justly please, and what should not."
[137.1] In a Prologue by Dryden, spoken by Hart in 1674, at Oxford, the
poet says: --
"None of our living poets dare appear;
For Muses so severe are worshipped here,
That, conscious of their faults, they shun the eye,
And, as profane, from sacred places fly,
Rather than see the offended God, and die."
Malone (Dryden's Prose Works, vol. i., part ii., p. 13)
gives a letter from Dryden to Lord Rochester, in which he says: "Your
Lordship will judge [from the success of these Prologues, &c.] how easy
'tis to pass anything upon an University, and how gross flattery the learned
will endure."
[140.1] Theo. Cibber ("Life of Booth," p. 7) says
that Colley Cibber and Booth "used frequently to set out, after Play (in
the Month of May) to Windsor, where the Court then was,
to push their different Interests." Chetwood ("History," p. 93)
states that the other Patentees "to prevent his solliciting his Patrons
at Court, then at Windsor, gave out Plays every Night, where Mr. Booth
had a principal Part. Notwithstanding this Step, he had a Chariot and Six of a
Nobleman's waiting for him at the End of every Play, that whipt him the twenty
Miles in three Hours, and brought him back to the Business of the Theatre the
next Night."
[140.2] The new Licence was dated 11th November, 1713.
Dogget's name was of course included as well as Booth's.
[144.1] This must have been in November, 1713.
[146.1] The Right Hon. Thomas Coke.
[148.1] The dates regarding this quarrel with Dogget are very
difficult to fix satisfactorily. In the collection of Mr. Francis Harvey of
St. James Street are some valuable letters by Dogget in connection with this
matter. From these, and from Mr. Percy Fitzgerald's "New History"
(i. 352-358), I have made up a list of dates, which, however, I give with all
reserve. We know from "The Laureat" that Dogget had some funds of
the theatre in his hands when he ceased acting, and this fact makes a Petition
by Cibber and Wilks, that he should account with them for money, intelligible.
This is dated 16th January, 1714 -- it cannot be 1713, as Mr. Fitzgerald says,
for Booth was not admitted then, and the quarrel had not arisen. Then follows
a Petition from Cibber, Booth, and Wilks, dated 5th February, 1714, praying
the Chamberlain to settle the dispute. Petitions by Dogget bear date 17th
April, 1714; and, I think, 14th June, 1714. Mr. Fitzgerald gives this latter
date as 14th January, 1714, and certainly the date on the document itself is
more like "Jan" than "June;" but in the course of the
Petition Dogget says that the season will end in a few days, which seems to
fix June as the correct month. The season 1713-14 ended 18th June, 1714. Next
comes a Petition that Dogget should be compelled to act if he was to draw his
share of the profits, which is dated 3rd November, 1714. In this case we are
on sure ground, for the Petition is preserved among the Lord Chamberlain's
Papers. Another Petition by Dogget, in which he talks of his being forced into
Westminster Hall to obtain his rights, is dated "Jan. ye 6 1714,"
that is, 1715. After this, legal action was no doubt commenced, as related by
Cibber.
[150.1] So full an account of Dogget is given by Cibber and
by Aston, that I need only add, that he first appeared about 1691; and that he
died in 1721.
[158.1] See memoir of Mrs. Porter at the end of this volume.
[158.2] On March 18th, 1717. Cibber is wrong in stating that
this was Dogget's last appearance; for a week after he played Ben in
"Love for Love" (March 25th, 1717), and made his last appearance,
after the lapse of another week (April 1st, 1717), when he acted Hob in
"The Country Wake."
[158.3] Downes ("Rosc. Ang.," p. 52) gives a quaint
description of Dogget: "Mr. Dogget, On the Stage, he's very
Aspectabund, wearing a Farce in his Face; his Thoughts deliberately framing
his Utterance Congruous to his Looks: He is the only Comick Original now
Extant: Witness, Ben. Solon, Nikin, The Jew of Venice,
&c."
[160.1] "The Laureat," p. 83: "Thy Partiality
is so notorious, with Relation to Wilks, that every one sees you never
praise him, but to rail at him; and only oil your Hone, to whet your
Razor."
-161-
CHAPTER XV.
SirRichard Steele succeeds Collier in
the Theatre-Royal. Lincoln's-Inn-Fields House rebuilt. The Patent
restored. Eight Actors at once desert from the King's Company. Why. A new
Patent obtain'd by Sir Richard Steele, and assign'd in Shares to the
menaging Actors of Drury-Lane. Of modern Pantomimes. The Rise of
them. Vanity invincible and asham'd. The Non-juror acted. The Author
not forgiven, and rewarded for it.
UPON the Death of the Queen, Plays (as they always had
been on the like Occasions) were silenc'd for six Weeks. But this happening on
the first of August, 161.1 in the long Vacation
of the Theatre, the Observance of that Ceremony, which at another
-162-
Juncture would have fallen like wet Weather upon their Harvest, did them now
no particular Damage. Their License, however, being of course to be renewed,
that Vacation gave the Menagers Time to cast about for the better Alteration
of it: And since they knew the Pension of seven hundred a Year, which had been
levied upon them for Collier, must still be paid to somebody, they
imagined the Merit of a Whig might now have as good a Chance for
getting into it, as that of a Tory had for being continued in it:
Having no Obligations, therefore, to Collier, who had made the last
Penny of them, they apply'd themselves to Sir Richard Steele, who had
distinguished himself by his Zeal for the House of Hanover, and had
been expell'd the House of Commons for carrying it (as was judg'd at a certain
Crisis) into a Reproach of the Government. This we knew was his Pretension to
that Favour in which he now stood at Court: We knew, too, the Obligations the
Stage had to his Writings; there being scarce a Comedian of Merit in our whole
Company whom his Tatlers had not made better by his publick
Recommendation of them. And many Days had our House been particularly fill'd
by the Influence and Credit of his Pen. Obligations of this kind from a
Gentleman with whom they all had the Pleasure of a personal Intimacy, the
Menagers thought could not be more justly return'd than by shewing him some
warm Instance of their Desire to have him at the Head of them. We therefore
beg'd him to use
-163-
his Interest for the Renewal of our License, and that he would do us the
Honour of getting our Names to stand with His in the same Commission. This, we
told him, would put it still farther into his Power of supporting the Stage in
that Reputation, to which his Lucubrations had already so much contributed;
and that therefore we thought no Man had better Pretences to partake of its
Success. 163.1
-164-
Though it may be no Addition to the favourable Part of
this Gentleman's Character to say with what Pleasure he receiv'd this Mark of
our Inclination to him, yet my Vanity longs to tell you that it surpriz'd him
into an Acknowledgment that People who are shy of Obligations are cautious of
confessing. His Spirits took such a lively turn upon it, that had we been all
his own Sons, no unexpected Act of filial Duty could have more endear'd us to
him.
It must be observ'd, then, that as Collier had no
Share in any Part of our Property, no Difficulties from that Quarter could
obstruct this Proposal. And the usual Time of our beginning to act for the
Winter-Season now drawing near, we press'd him not to lose any Time in his
Solicitation of this new License. Accordingly Sir Richard apply'd
himself to the Duke of Marlborough, the Hero of his Heart, who, upon
the first mention of it, obtain'd it of his Majesty for Sir Richard and
the former Menagers
-165-
who were Actors. Collier we heard no more of. 165.1
The Court and Town being crowded very early in the
Winter-Season, upon the critical Turn of Affairs so much expected from the Hanover
Succession, the Theatre had its particular Share of that general Blessing by a
more than ordinary Concourse of Spectators.
About this Time the Patentee, having very near finish'd
his House in Lincoln's-Inn Fields, began to think of forming a new
Company; and in the mean time found it necessary to apply for Leave to employ
them. By the weak Defence he had always made against the several Attacks upon
his Interest and former Government of the Theatre, it might be a Question, if
his House had been ready in the Queen's Time, whether he would then have had
the Spirit to ask, or Interest enough to obtain Leave to use it: But in the
following Reign, as it did not appear he had done anything to forfeit the
Right of his Patent, he prevail'd with Mr. Craggs the Younger
(afterwards Secretary of State) to lay his Case before the King, which he did
in so effectual a manner that (as Mr. Craggs himself told me) his
Majesty was pleas'd to say upon it, "That he remember'd when he had
"been in England before, in King Charles his Time,
-166-
"there had been two Theatres in London; and as "the Patent
seem'd to be a lawful Grant, he saw no "Reason why Two Play-houses might
not be continued." 166.1
The Suspension of the Patent being thus taken off, the
younger Multitude seem'd to call aloud for two Play-houses! Many desired
another, from the common Notion that Two would always create Emulation
in the Actors (an Opinion which I have consider'd in a former Chapter).
Others, too, were as eager for them, from the natural Ill-will that follows
the Fortunate or Prosperous in any Undertaking. Of this low Malevolence we
had, now and then, had remarkable Instances; we had been forced to dismiss an
Audience of a hundred and fifty Pounds, from a Disturbance spirited up by
obscure People, who never gave any better Reason for it, than that it was
their Fancy to support the idle Complaint of one rival Actress against
another, in their several Pretensions to the chief Part in a new Tragedy. But
as this Tumult seem'd only to be the Wantonness of English Liberty, I
shall not presume to lay any farther Censure upon it. 166.2
Now, notwithstanding this publick Desire of
re-establishing
-167-
two Houses; and though I have allow'd the former Actors greatly our Superiors;
and the Menagers I am speaking of not to have been without their private
Errors: Yet under all these Disadvantages, it is certain the Stage, for twenty
Years before this time, had never been in so flourishing a Condition: And it
was as evident to all sensible Spectators that this Prosperity could be only
owing to that better Order and closer Industry now daily observ'd, and which
had formerly been neglected by our Predecessors. But that I may not impose
upon the Reader a Merit which was not generally allow'd us, I ought honestly
to let him know, that about this time the publick Papers, particularly Mist's
Journal, took upon them very often to censure our Menagement, with the same
Freedom and Severity as if we had been so many Ministers of State: But so it
happen'd, that these unfortunate Reformers of the World, these self-appointed Censors,
hardly ever hit upon what was really wrong in us; but taking up Facts upon
Trust, or Hear-say, piled up many a pompous Paragraph that they had
ingeniously conceiv'd was sufficient to demolish our Administration, or at
least to make us very uneasy in it; which, indeed, had so far its Effect, that
my equally-injur'd Brethren, Wilks and Booth, often complain'd
to me of these disagreeable Aspersions, and propos'd that some publick Answer
might be made to them, which
-168-
I always oppos'd by, perhaps, too secure a Contempt of what such Writers could
do to hurt us; and my Reason for it was, that I knew but of one way to silence
Authors of that Stamp; which was, to grow insignificant and good for nothing,
and then we should hear no more of them: But while we continued in the
Prosperity of pleasing others, and were not conscious of having deserv'd what
they said of us, why should we gratify the little Spleen of our Enemies by
wincing at it, 168.1 or give them fresh Opportunities to
dine upon any Reply they might make to our publickly taking Notice of them?
And though Silence might in some Cases be a sign of Guilt or Error confess'd,
our Accusers were so low in their Credit and Sense, that the Content we gave
the Publick almost every Day from the Stage ought to be our only Answer to
them.
However (as I have observ'd) we made many Blots, which
these unskilful Gamesters never hit: But the Fidelity of an Historian cannot
be excus'd the Omission of any Truth which might make for the other Side of
the Question. I shall therefore
-169-
confess a Fact, which, if a happy Accident had not intervened, had brought our
Affairs into a very tottering Condition. This, too, is that Fact which in a
former Chapter I promis'd to set forth as a Sea-Mark of Danger to future
Menagers in their Theatrical Course of Government. 169.1
When the new-built Theatre in Lincoln's-Inn Fields
was ready to be open'd, seven or eight Actors in one Day deserted from us to
the Service of the Enemy, 169.2 which oblig'd us to
postpone many of our best Plays for want of some inferior Part in them which
these Deserters had been used to fill: But the Indulgence of the Royal Family,
who then frequently honour'd us by their Presence, was pleas'd to accept of
whatever could be hastily got ready for their Entertainment. And tho' this
critical good Fortune prevented, in some measure, our Audiences falling so low
as otherwise they might have done, yet it was not sufficient to keep us in our
former Prosperity: For that Year our Profits amounted not to above a third
Part of our usual Dividends; tho' in the following Year we intirely recover'd
them. The Chief of these Deserters were Keene, Bullock, Pack, 169.3
Leigh, Son of the
-170-
famous Tony Leigh, 170.1 and others of less note.
'Tis true, they none of them had more than a negative Merit, in being only
able to do us more Harm by their leaving us without Notice, than they could do
us Good by remaining with us: For though the best of them could not support a
Play, the worst of them by their Absence could maim it; as the Loss of the
least Pin in a Watch may obstruct its Motion. But to come to the true Cause of
their Desertion: After my having discover'd the (long unknown) Occasion that
drove Dogget from the Stage before his settled Inclination to leave it,
it will be less incredible that these Actors, upon the first Opportunity to
relieve themselves, should all in one Day have left us from the same Cause of
Uneasiness. For, in a little time after, upon not finding their Expectations
answer'd in Lincoln's-Inn Fields, some of them, who seem'd
-171-
to answer for the rest, told me the greatest Grievance they had in our Company
was the shocking Temper of Wilks, who, upon every, almost no Occasion,
let loose the unlimited Language of Passion upon them n such a manner as their
Patience was not longer able to support. This, indeed, was what we could not
justify! This was a Secret that might have made a wholesome Paragraph in a
critical News-Paper! But as it was our good Fortune that it came not to the
Ears of our Enemies, the Town was not entertain'd with their publick Remarks
upon it. 171.1
After this new Theatre had enjoy'd that short Run of
Favour which is apt to follow Novelty, their Audiences began to flag: But
whatever good Opinion
-172-
we had of our own Merit, we had not so good a one of the Multitude as to
depend too much upon the Delicacy of their Taste: We knew, too, that this
Company, being so much nearer to the City than we were, would intercept many
an honest Customer that might not know a good Market from a bad one; and that
the thinnest of their Audiences must be always taking something from the
Measure of our Profits. All these Disadvantages, with many others, we were
forced to lay before Sir Richard Steele, and farther to remonstrate to
him, that as he now stood in Collier's Place, his Pension of 700l.
was liable to the same Conditions that Collier had receiv'd it upon;
which were, that it should be only payable during our being the only Company
permitted to act, but in case another should be set up against us, that then
this Pension was to be liquidated into an equal Share with us; and which we
now hoped he would be contented with. While we were offering to proceed, Sir Richard
stopt us short by assuring us, that as he came among us by our own Invitation,
he should always think himself oblig'd to come into any Measures for our Ease
and Service: That to be a Burthen to our Industry would be more disagreeable
to him than it could be to us; and as he had always taken a Delight in his
Endeavours for our Prosperity, he should be still ready on our own Terms to
continue them. Every one who knew Sir Richard Steele in his Prosperity
(before the Effects of his Good-nature had brought him to Distresses) knew
that this was
Richard Steele
-173-
his manner of dealing with his Friends in Business: Another Instance of the
same nature will immediately fall in my way.
When we proposed to put this Agreement into Writing, he
desired us not to hurry ourselves; for that he was advised, upon the late
Desertion of our Actors, to get our License (which only subsisted during
Pleasure) enlarg'd into a more ample and durable Authority, and which he said
he had Reason to think would be more easily obtain'd, if we were willing that
a Patent for the same Purpose might be granted to him only, for his Life and
three Years after, which he would then assign over to us. This was a Prospect
beyond our Hopes; and what we had long wish'd for; for though I cannot say we
had ever Reason to grieve at the Personal Severities or Behaviour of any one
Lord-Chamberlain in my Time, yet the several Officers under them who had not
the Hearts of Noblemen, often treated us (to use Shakespear's
Expression) with all the Insolence of Office that narrow Minds
are apt to be elated with; but a Patent, we knew, would free us from so abject
a State of Dependency. Accordingly, we desired Sir Richard to lose no
time; he was immediately promised it: In the Interim, we sounded the
Inclination of the Actors remaining with us; who had all Sense enough to know,
that the Credit and Reputation we stood in with the Town, could not but be a
better Security for their Sallaries, than the Promise of any other Stage put
into Bonds could
-174-
make good to them. In a few Days after, Sir Richard told us, that his
Majesty being apprised that others had a joint Power with him in the License,
it was expected we should, under our Hands, signify that his Petition for a
Patent was preferr'd by the Consent of us all. Such an Acknowledgment was
immediately sign'd, and the Patent thereupon pass'd the Great Seal; for which
I remember the Lord Chancellor Cooper, in Compliment to Sir Richard,
would receive no Fee.
We receiv'd the Patent January 19, 1715, 174.1
and (Sir Richard being obliged the next Morning to set out for Burrowbridge
in Yorkshire, where he was soon after elected Member of Parliament) we
were forced that very Night to draw up in a hurry ('till our Counsel might
more adviseably perfect it) his Assignment to us of equal Shares in the
Patent, with farther Conditions of Partnership: 174.2
But here I ought to take Shame to myself, and at the same time to give this
second Instance of the Equity and Honour of Sir Richard: For this
Assignment (which I had myself the hasty Penning of) was so worded, that it
gave Sir Richard as equal a Title to our Property
-175-
as it had given us to his Authority in the Patent: But Sir Richard,
notwithstanding, when he return'd to Town, took no Advantage of the Mistake,
and consented in our second Agreement to pay us Twelve Hundred Pounds to be
equally intitled to our Property, which at his Death we were obliged to repay
(as we afterwards did) to his Executors; and which, in case any of us had died
before him, the Survivors were equally obliged to have paid to the Executors
of such deceased Person upon the same Account. But Sir Richard's
Moderation with us was rewarded with the Reverse of Collier's
Stiffness: Collier, by insisting on his Pension, lost Three Hundred
Pounds a Year; and Sir Richard, by his accepting a Share in lieu of it,
was, one Year with another, as much a Gainer.
The Grant of this Patent having assured us of a competent
Term to be relied on, we were now emboldened to lay out larger Sums in the
Decorations of our Plays: 175.1 Upon the Revival of Dryden's
All for Love, the Habits of that Tragedy amounted to an Expence of near
Six Hundred Pounds; a Sum unheard of, for many Years before, on the like
Occasions.
-176-
176.1 But we thought such extraordinary Marks of our
Acknowledgment were due to the Favours which the Publick were now again
pouring in upon us. About this time we were so much in fashion, and follow'd,
that our Enemies (who they were it would not be fair to guess, for we never
knew them) made their Push of a good round Lye upon us, to terrify those
Auditors from our Support whom they could not mislead by their private Arts or
publick Invectives. A current Report that the Walls and Roof of our House were
liable to fall, had got such Ground in the Town, that on a sudden we found our
Audiences unusually decreased by it: Wilks was immediately for
denouncing War and Vengeance on the Author of this Falshood, and for offering
a Reward to whoever could discover him. But it was thought more necessary
first to disprove the Falshood, and then to pay what Compliments might be
thought
-177-
adviseable to the Author. Accordingly an Order from the King was obtained, to
have our Tenement surveyed by Sir Thomas Hewet, then the proper
Officer; whose Report of its being in a safe and sound Condition, and sign'd
by him, was publish'd in every News-Paper. 177.1 This
had so immediate an Effect, that our Spectators, whose Apprehensions had
lately kept them absent, now made up our Losses by returning to us with a
fresh Inclination and in greater Numbers.
When it was first publickly known that the New
-178-
Theatre would be open'd against us; I cannot help going a little back to
remember the Concern that my Brother-Menagers express'd at what might be the
Consequences of it. The imagined that now all those who wish'd Ill to us, and
particularly a great Party who had been disobliged by our shutting them out
from behind our Scenes, even to the Refusal of their Money, 178.1
would now exert themselves in any partial or extravagant Measures that might
either hurt us or support our Competitors: These, too, were some of those
farther Reasons which had discouraged them from running the hazard of
continuing to Sir Richard Steele the same Pension which had been paid
to Collier. Upon all which I observed to them, that, for my own Part, I
had not the same Apprehensions; but that I foresaw as many good as bad
Consequences from two Houses: That tho' the Novelty might possibly at first
abate a little of our Profits; yet, if we slacken'd not our Industry, that
Loss would be amply balanced by an equal Increase of our East and Quiet: That
those turbulent Spirits which were always molesting us, would now have other
Employment: That those turbulent Spirits which were always molesting us, would
now have other Employment: That the question'd Merit of our Acting would now
stand in a clearer Light when others were faintly compared to us: That though
Faults might be found with the best Actors that ever were, yet the egregious
Defects that would appear in others would now be the effectual means to make
our Superiority shine, if we had any Pretence to it: And
-179-
that what some People hoped might ruin us, would in the end reduce them to
give up the Dispute, and reconcile them to those who could best entertain
them.
In every Article of this Opinion they afterwards found I
had not been deceived; and the Truth of it may be so well remember'd by many
living Spectators, that it would be too frivolous and needless a Boast to give
it any farther Observation.
But in what I have said I would not be understood to be
an Advocate for two Play-houses: For we shall soon find that two Sets of
Actors tolerated in the same Place have constantly ended in the Corruption of
the Theatre; of which the auxiliary Entertainments that have so barbarously
supply'd the Defects of weak Action have, for some Years past, been a flagrant
Instance; it may not, therefore, be here improper to shew how our childish
Pantomimes first came to take so gross a Possession of the Stage.
I have upon several occasions already observ'd, that when
one Company is too hard for another, the lower in Reputation has always been
forced to exhibit some new-fangled Foppery to draw the Multitude after them:
Of these Expedients, Singing and Dancing had formerly been the most effectual;
179.1 but, at the Time I am speaking of, our English
Musick had
-180-
been so discountenanced since the Taste of Italian Operas prevail'd,
that it was to no purpose to pretend to it. 180.1
Dancing therefore was now the only Weight in the opposite Scale, and as the Ne
Theatre sometimes found their Account in it, it could not be safe for us
wholly to neglect it. To give even Dancing therefore some Improvement, and to
make it something more than Motion without Meaning, the Fable of Mars
and Venus 180.2 was form'd into a connected
Presentation of Dances in Character, wherein the Passions were so happily
expressed, and the whole Story so intelligibly told by a mute Narration of
Gesture only, that even thinking Spectators allow'd it both a pleasing and a
rational Entertainment; though, at the same time, from our Distrust of its
Reception, we durst not venture to decorate it with any extraordinary Expence
of Scenes or Habits; but upon the Success of this Attempt it was rightly
concluded, that if a visible Expence in both were added to something of the
same Nature, it could not fail of drawing the Town proportionably after it.
From this original Hint then (but every way unequal to it) sprung forth that
Succession of monstrous Medlies that have so long infested the Stage, and
which arose upon one another alternately, at both Houses
-181-
outvying in Expence, like contending Bribes on both sides at an Election, to
secure a Majority of the Multitude. But so it is, Truth may complain and Merit
murmur with what Justice it may, the Few will never be a Match for the Many,
unless Authority should think fit to interpose and put down these Poetical
Drams, these Gin-shops of the Stage, that intoxicate its Auditors and
dishonour their Understanding with a Levity for which I want a Name. 181.1
If I am ask'd (after my condemning these Fooleries
myself) how I came to assent or continue my Share of Expence to them? I have
no better Excuse for
-182-
my Error than confessing it. I did it against my Conscience! and had not
Virtue enough to starve by opposing a Multitude that would have been too hard
for me. 182.1 Now let me ask an odd Question: Had Harry
the Fourth of France a better Excuse for changing his Religion? 182.2
I was still, in my Heart, as much as he could be, on the side of Truth and
Sense, but with this difference, that I had their leave to quit them when they
could not support me: For what Equivalent could I have found for my falling a
Martyr to them? How far the Heroe or the Comedian was in the wrong, let the
Clergy and the Criticks decide. Necessity will be as good a Plea for the one
as the other. But let the Question go which way it will, Harry IV. has
always been allow'd a great Man: And what I want of his Grandeur, you see by
the Inference, Nature has amply supply'd to me in Vanity; a Pleasure which
neither the Pertness of Wit or the Gravity of Wisdom will ever persuade me to
part with. And why is there not as
-183-
much Honesty in owning as in concealing it? For though to hide it may be
Wisdom, to be without it is impossible; and where is the Merit of keeping a
Secret which every Body is let into? To say we have no Vanity, then, is
shewing a great deal of it; as to say we have a great deal cannot be
shewing so much: And tho' there may be Art in a Man's accusing himself, even
then it will be more pardonable than Self-commendation. Do not we find that
even good Actions have their Share of it? that it is as inseparable from our
Being as our Nakedness? And though it may be equally decent to cover it, yet
the wisest Man can no more b without it, than the weakest can believe he was
born in his Cloaths. If then what we say of ourselves be true, and not
prejudicial to others, to be called vain upon it is no more a Reproach than to
be called a brown or a fair Man. Vanity is of all Complexions; 'tis the growth
of every Clime and Capacity; Authors of all Ages have had a Tincture of it;
and yet you read Horace, Montaign, and Sir William Temple, with
Pleasure. Nor am I sure, if it were curable by Precept, that Mankind would be
mended by it! Could Vanity be eradicated from our Nature, I am afraid that the
Reward of most human Virtues would not be found in this World! And happy is he
who has no greater Sin to answer for in the next
But what is all this to the Theatrical Follies I was
talking of? Perhaps not a great deal; but it is to my Purpose; for though I am
an Historian, I do not
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write to the Wise and Learned only; I hope to have Readers of no more Judgment
than some of my quondam Auditors; and I am afraid they will be as
hardly contented with dry Matters of Fact, as with a plain Play without
Entertainments: This Rhapsody, therefore, has been thrown in as a Dance
between the Acts, to make up for the Dullness of what would have been by
itself only proper. But I now come to my Story again.
Notwithstanding, then, this our Compliance with the
vulgar Taste, we generally made use of these Pantomimes but as Crutches to our
weakest Plays: Nor were we so lost to all Sense of what was valuable as to
dishonour our best Authors in such bad Company: We had still a due Respect to
several select Plays that were able to be their own Support; and in which we
found our constant Account, without painting and patching them out, like
Prostitutes, with these Follies in fashion: If therefore we were not so
strictly chaste in the other part of our Conduct, let the Error of it stand
among the silly Consequences of Two Stages. Could the Interest of both
Companies have been united in one only Theatre, I had been one of the Few that
would have us'd my utmost Endeavour of never admitting to the Stage any
Spectacle that ought not to have been seen there; the Errors of my own Plays,
which I could not see, excepted. And though probably the Majority of
Spectators would not have been so well pleas'd with a Theatre so regulated;
yet Sense and Reason cannot
-185-
lose their intrinsick Value because the Giddy and the Ignorant are blind and
deaf, or numerous; and I cannot help saying, it is a Reproach to a sensible
People to let Folly so publickly govern their Pleasures.
While I am making this grave Declaration of what I would
have done had One only Stage been continued; to obtain an easier Belief of my
Sincerity I ought to put my Reader in mind of what I did do, even after
Two Companies were again establish'd.
About this Time Jacobitism had lately exerted
itself by the most unprovoked Rebellion that our Histories have handed down to
us since the Norman Conquest: 185.1 I therefore
thought that to set the Authors and Principles of that desperate Folly in a
fair Light, by allowing the mistaken Consciences of some their best Excuse,
and by making the artful Pretenders to Conscience as ridiculous as they were
ungratefully wicked, was a Subject fit for the honest Satire of Comedy, and
what might, if it succeeded, do Honour to the Stage by shewing the valuable
Use of it. 185.2 And considering what Numbers at that
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time might come to it as prejudic'd Spectators, it may be allow'd that the
Undertaking was not less hazardous than laudable.
To give Life, therefore, to this Design, I borrow'd the Tartuffe
of Moliere, and turn'd him into a modern Nonjuror: 186.1
Upon the Hypocrisy of the French Character I ingrafted a stronger
Wickedness, that of an English Popish Priest lurking under the Doctrine
of our own Church to raise his Fortune upon the Ruin of a Worthy Gentleman,
whom his dissembled Sanctity had seduc'd into the treasonable Cause of a Roman
Catholick Out-law. How this Design, in the Play, was executed, I refer to
the Readers of it; it cannot be mended by any critical Remarks I can make in
its favour: Let it speak for itself. All the Reason I had to think it no bad
Performance was, that it was acted eighteen Days running, 186.2
and that the Party that were hurt by it (as I have been told) have not been
the smallest Number of my back Friends ever since. But happy was it for this
Play that the very Subject was its Protection; a few Smiles of silent Contempt
were the utmost Disgrace that on the first Day of its Appearance it was
thought safe to throw upon it; as the
-187-
Satire was chiefly employ'd on the Enemies of the Government, they were not so
hardy as to own themselves such by any higher Disapprobation or Resentment.
But as it was then probable I might write again, they knew it would not be
long before they might with more Security give a Loose to their Spleen, and
make up Accounts with me. And to do them Justice, in every Play I afterwards
produced they paid me the Balance to a Tittle. 187.1 But
to none was I more beholden than that celebrated Author Mr. Mist, whose
Weekly Journal, 187.2 for about fifteen Years
following, scarce ever fail'd of passing some of his Party Compliments upon
me: The State and the Stage were his frequent Parallels, and the Minister and Minheer
Keiber the Menager were as constantly droll'd upon: Now, for my own Part,
though I could never persuade my Wit to have an open Account with him (for as
he had no Effects of his own, I did not think myself oblig'd to answer his
Bills;) notwithstanding,
-188-
I will be so charitable to his real Manes, and to the Ashes of his
Paper, as to mention one particular Civility he paid to my Memory, after he
thought he had ingeniously kill'd me. Soon after the Nonjuror had
receiv'd the Favour of the Town, I read in one of his Journals the following
short Paragraph, viz. Yesterday died Mr. Colley Cibber, late
Comedian of the Theatre-Royal, notorious for writing the Nonjuror. The
Compliment in the latter part I confess I did not dislike, because it came
from so impartial a Judge; and it really so happen'd that the former part of
it was very near being true; for I had that very Day just crawled out, after
having been some Weeks laid up by a Fever: However, I saw no use in being
thought to be thoroughly dead before my Time, and therefore had a mind to see
whether the Town cared to have me alive again: So the Play of the Orphan
being to be acted that Day, I quietly stole myself into the Part of the Chaplain,
which I had not been seen in for many Years before. The Surprize of the
Audience at my unexpected Appearance on the very Day I had been dead in the
News, and the Paleness of my Looks, seem'd to make it a Doubt whether I was
not the Ghost of my real Self departed: But when I spoke, their Wonder eas'd
itself by an Applause; which convinc'd me they were then satisfied that my
Friend Mist had told a Fib of me. Now, if simply to have shown
myself in broad Life, and about my Business, after he had notoriously
-189-
reported me dead, can be called a Reply, it was the only one which his Paper
while alive ever drew from me. How far I may be vain, then, in supposing that
this Play brought me into the Disfavour of so many Wits 189.1
and valiant Auditors as afterwards appear'd against me, let those who may
think it worth their Notice judge. In the mean time, 'till I can find a better
Excuse for their sometimes particular Treatment of me, I cannot easily give up
my Suspicion: And if I add a more remarkable Fact, that afterwards confirm'd
me in it, perhaps it may incline others to join in my Opinion.
On the first Day of the Provok'd Husband, ten
Years after the Nonjuror had appear'd, 189.2 a
powerful Party, not having the Fear of publick Offence or private Injury
before their Eyes, appear'd most impetuously concern'd for the Demolition of
it; in which they so far succeeded, that for some Time I gave it up for lost;
and to follow their Blows, in the publick Papers of the next Day it was
attack'd and triumph'd over as a dead and damn'd Piece; a swinging Criticism
was made upon it in general invective Terms, for they disdain'd to trouble the
-190-
World with Particulars; their Sentence, it seems, was Proof enough of its
deserving the Fate it had met with. But this damn'd Play was, notwithstanding,
acted twenty-eight Nights together, and left off at a Receipt of upwards of a
hundred and forty Pounds; which happen'd to be more than in fifty Years before
could be then said of any one Play whatsoever.
Now, if such notable Behaviour could break out upon so
successful a Play (which too, upon the Share Sir John Vanbrugh had in
it, I will venture to call a good one) what shall we impute it to? Why may not
I plainly say, it was not the Play, but Me, who had a Hand in it, they did not
like? And for what Reason? if they were not asham'd of it, why did not they
publish it? No! the Reason had publish'd itself, I was the Author of the Nonjuror!
But, perhaps, of all Authors, I ought not to make this sort of Complaint,
because I have Reason to think that that particular Offence has made me more
honourable Friends than Enemies; the latter of which I am not unwilling should
know (however unequal the Merit may be to the Reward) that Part of the Bread I
now eat was given me for having writ the Nonjuror. 190.1
And yet I cannot but lament, with many quiet Spectators,
the helpless Misfortune that has so many Years attended the Stage! That no Law
has had Force enough to give it absolute Protection! for
-191-
'till we can civilize its Auditors, the Authors that write for it will seldom
have a greater Call to it than Necessity; and how unlikely is the Imagination
of the Needy to inform or delight the Many in Affluence? or how often does
Necessity make many unhappy Gentlemen turn Authors in spite of Nature?
What a Blessing, therefore, is it! what an enjoy'd
Deliverance! after a Wretch has been driven by Fortune to stand so many wanton
Buffets of unmanly Fierceness, to find himself at last quietly lifted above
the Reach of them!
But let not this Reflection fall upon my Auditors without
Distinction; for though Candour and Benevolence are silent Virtues, they are
as visible as the most vociferous Ill-nature; and I confess the Publick has
given me more frequently Reason to be thankful than to complain.
[161.1] 1714.
[163.1] In the Dedication to Steele of "Ximena" (1719) Cibber
warmly acknowledges the great service Steele had done to the theatre, not only
in improving the tone of its performances, but also in the mere attracting of
public attention to it. "How many a time," he says, "have we
known the most elegant Audiences drawn together at a Day's Warning, by the
Influence or Warrant of a single Tatler, when our best Endeavours
without it, could not defray the Charge of the Performance." In the same
Dedication Cibber's gratitude overstepped his judgment, in applying to
Steele's generous acknowledgment of his indebtedness to Addison's help in his
"Spectator," &c., Dryden's lines: --
"Fool that I was! upon my Eagle's Wings
I bore this Wren, 'till I was tir'd with soaring,
And now, he mounts above me -- "
The following Epigram is quoted in "The
Laureat," p. 76. It originally appeared in "Mist's Journal,"
31st October, 1719: --
Thus Colley Cibber to his Partner Steele,
See here, Sir Knight, how I've outdone Corneille;
See here, how I, my Patron to inveigle,
Make Addison a Wren, and you an Eagle.
Safe to the silent Shades, we bid Defiance;
For living Dogs are better than dead Lions."
In one of his Odes, at which Johnson laughed (Boswell, i.
402 Cibber had the couplet: --
"Perch'd on the eagle's soaring wing,
The lowly linnet loves to sing."
"Ximena; or, the Heroic Daughter," produced on
28th November, 1712, was an adaptation of Corneille's "Cid." We do
not know the cast of 1712, but that of 1718 (Drury Lane, 1st November) was the
following: --
- DON FERDINAND........Mr. Mills.
- DON ALVAREZ..........Mr. Cibber.
- DON GORMAZ...........Mr. Booth.
- DON CARLOS...........Mr. Wilks.
- DON SANCHEZ..........Mr. Elrington.
- DON ALONZO...........Mr. Thurmond.
- DON GARCIA...........Mr. Boman.
- XIMENA...............Mrs. Oldfield.
- BELZARA..............Mrs. Porter.
[165.1] A Royal Licence was granted on 18th October, 1714, to
Steele, Wilks, Cibber, Dogget, and Booth. The theatre opened before the
Licence was granted. The first bill given by Genest is for 21st September,
1714.
[166.1] Christopher Rich died before the theatre was opened,
and it was under the management of John Rich, his son, that Lincoln's Inn
Fields opened on 18th December, 1714, with "The Recruiting Officer."
The company was announced as playing under Letters Patent granted by King
Charles the Second.
[166.2] This refers to a riot raised by the supporters of
Mrs. Rogers, on Mrs. Oldfield's being cast for the character of Andromache in
Philip's tragedy of "The Distressed Mother," produced at Drury Lane
on 17th March, 1712.
[168.1] Cibber on one occasion manifested temper to a rather
unexpected degree. In 1720, when Dennis published his attacks on Steele, in
connection with his being deprived of the Patent, he accused Cibber of impiety
and various other crimes and misdemeanours; and Cibber is said in the
"Answer to the Character of Sir John Edgar" to have inserted the
following advertisement in the "Daily Post": "Ten Pounds will
be paid by Mr. CIBBER, of the Theatre Royal, to any person who shall (by a
legal proof) discover the Author of a Pamphlet, intituled, 'The Characters and
Conduct of Sir JOHN EDGAR, &c'" (Nichols, p. 401.)
[169.1] Cibber refers to his remarks (see vol. i. p. 191) on
the conduct of the Patentees which caused Betterton's secession in 1694-5.
[169.2] In addition to Keen, Bullock (William), Pack, and
Leigh, whom Cibber mentions a few lines after, Spiller and Christopher Bullock
were among the deserters; and probably Cory and Knap. Mrs. Rogers, Mrs.
Knight, and Mrs. Kent also deserted.
[169.3] George Pack is an actor of whom Chetwood
("History," p. 210) gives some account. He first came on the stage
as a singer, performing the female parts in duets with Leveridge. His first
appearance chronicled by Genest was at Lincoln's Inn Fields in 1700, as
Westmoreland in the first part of "Henry IV." Chetwood says he was
excellent as Marplot in "The Busy Body," Beau Maiden in
"Tunbridge Walks," Beau Mizen in "The Fair Quaker of
Deal," &c.: "indeed Nature seem'd to mean him for those Sort
of Characters." On 10th March, 1722, he announced his last appearance
on any stage; but he returned on 21st April and 7th May, 1724, on which latter
date he had a benefit. Chetwood says that on his retirement he opened the
Globe Tavern, near Charing-Cross, over against the Hay-market. When Chetwood
wrote (1749) Pack was no longer alive.
[170.1] Francis Leigh. There were several actors of the name
of Leigh, and it is sometimes difficult to distinguish them. This particular
actor died about 1719.
[171.1] In the "Weekly Packet," 18th December, 1714, the
following appears: --
"This Day the New Play-House in Lincolns-Inn Fields,
is to be open'd and a Comedy acted there, call'd, The Recruiting Officer, by
the Company that act under the Patent; tho' it is said, that some of the
Gentlemen who have left the House in Drury-Lane for that Service, are order'd
to return to their Colours, upon Pain of not exercising their Lungs elsewhere;
which may in Time prove of ill Service to the Patentee, that has been at vast
Expence to make this Theatre as convenient for the Reception of an Audience as
any one can possibly be."
Genest remarks that this seems to show that the Lord
Chamberlain threatened to interfere in the interests of Drury Lane. He adds:
"Cibber's silence proves nothing to the contrary, as in more than one
instance he does not tell the whole truth" (ii. 565). In defence of
Cibber I may say that the Chamberlain's Records contain no hint that he
threatened to interfere with the Lincoln's Inn Fields Theatre or its actors.
[174.1] In both the first and second editions Cibber writes
1718, but this is so obviously a misprint that I correct the text. Steele was
elected for Boroughbridge in the first Parliament of George I., which met 15th
March, 1715.
[174.2] "The very night I received it, I participated
the power and use of it, with relation to the profits that should arise from
it, between the gentlemen who invited me into the Licence." -- Steele, in
"The Theatre," No. 8 [Nichols, p. 64].
[175.1] The managers also expended money on the decoration of
the theatre before the beginning of the next season after the Patent was
granted. In the "Daily Courant," 6th October, 1715, they advertise:
"His Majesty's Company of Comedians give Notice, That the Middle of next
Week they will begin to act Plays, every day, as usual; they being oblig'd to
lye still so long, to finish the New Decorations of the House."
[176.1] This revival was on 2nd December, 1718. Dennis, whose "Invader
of his Country" was, as he considered, unfairly postponed on account of
this production, wrote to Steele: --
"Well, Sir, when the winter came on, what was done by
your Deputies? Why, instead of keeping their word with me, they spent above
two months of the season in getting up "All for Love, or, the World
well Lost," a Play which has indeed a noble first act, an act which
ends with a scene becoming of the dignity of the Tragic Stage. But if HORACE
had been now alive, and been either a reader or spectator of that
entertainment, he would have passed his old sentence upon the Author.
'Infelix operis summâ, quia ponere totum
Nesciet.'"
[Ars Poetica, 34.] Nichols' "Theatre," p. 544.
[177.1] Cibber here skips a few years, for the report by Sir Thomas Hewitt
is dated some years after the granting of the Patent. The text of it will be
found in Nichols's "Theatre," p. 470: --
"MY LORD, Scotland-yard, Jan. 21, 1721.
"In obedience to his Majesty's commands signified to
me by your Grace the 18th instant, I have surveyed the Play-house in
Drury-lane; and took with me Mr. RIPLEY, Commissioner of his Majesty's Board
of Works, the Master Bricklayer, and Carpenter: We examined all its parts with
the greatest exactness we could; and found the Walls, Roofing, Stage, Pit,
Boxes, Galleries, Machinery, Scenes, &c. sound, and almost as good as when
first built; neither decayed, nor in the least danger of falling; and when
some small repairs are made, and an useless Stack of Chimnies (built by the
late Mr. RICH) taken down, the Building may continue for a long time, being
firm, the Materials and Joints good, and no part giving way; and capable to
bear much greater weight than is put on them.
"MY LORD DUKE,
"Your GRACE'S Most humble and obedient servant,
"THOMAS HEWETT.
"N.B. The Stack of Chimnies mentioned in this Report
(which were placed over the Stone Passage leading to the Boxes) are actually
taken down."
[178.1] See ante, vol. i. p. 234.
[179.1] Cibber, vol. i. p. 94, relates how, when the King's
Company proved too strong for their rivals, Davenant, "to make head
against their Success, was forced to add Spectacle and Music to Action."
[180.1] In the season 1718-19, Rich at Lincoln's Inn Fields
frequently produced French pieces and operas. He must have had a company of
French players engaged.
[180.2] This is, no doubt, John Weaver's dramatic
entertainment called "The Loves of Mars and Venus," which was
published, as acted at Drury Lane, in 1717.
[181.1] The following lines ("Dunciad," iii. verses 229-244) are
descriptive of such pantomimes as Cibber refers to: --
"He look'd, and saw a sable Sorc'rer rise,
Swift to whose hand a winged volume flies:
All sudden, Gorgons hiss, and dragons glare,
And ten-horn'd fiends and giants rush to war.
Hell rises, Heav'n descends, and dance on Earth,
Gods, imps, and monsters, music, rage, and mirth,
A fire, a jig, a battle, and a ball,
Till one wide conflagration swallows all.
Thence a new world, to nature's laws unknown,
Breaks out refulgent, with a heav'n its own:
Another Cynthia her new journey runs,
And other planets circle other suns:
The forests dance, the rivers upward rise,
Whales sport in woods, and dolphins in the skies,
And last, to give the whole creation grace,
Lo! one vast Egg produces human race."
The allusion in the last line is to "Harlequin
Sorcerer," in which Harlequin is hatched from a large egg on the stage.
See Jackson's "History of the Scottish Stage," pages 367-8, for
description of John Rich's excellence in this scene.
[182.1] In the "Dunciad" (book iii. verses 261-4) Pope writes: --
"But lo! to dark encounter in mid air
New wizards rise: here Booth, and Cibber there:
Booth in his cloudy tabernacle shrin'd,
On grinning Dragons Cibber mounts the wind."
On these lines Cibber remarks, in his "Letter to Mr.
Pope," 1742 (page 37):
"If you, figuratively, mean by this, that I was an
Encourager of those Fooleries, you are mistaken; for it is not true: If you
intend it literally, that I was Dunce enough to mount a Machine, there is as
little Truth in that too."
[182.2] Henry of Navarre, of whom it has been said that he
regarded religion mainly as a diplomatic instrument.
[185.1] It is hardly necessary to note that this was the
Scottish Rebellion of 1715; yet Bellchambers indicates the period as 1718.
[185.2] Cibber's most notorious play, "The
Nonjuror," was produced at Drury Lane on 6th December, 1717. The cast
was: --
- SIR JOHN WOODVIL........Mr. Mills.
- COLONEL WOODVIL.........Mr. Booth.
- MR. HEARTLY.............Mr. Wilks.
- DOCTOR WOLF.............Mr. Cibber.
- CHARLES.................Mr. Walker.
- LADY WOODVIL............Mrs. Porter.
- MARIA...................Mrs. Oldfield.
[186.1] Genest (ii. 615) quotes the Epilogue to Sewell's "Sir Walter
Raleigh," produced at Lincoln's Inn Fields 16th January, 1719: --
"Yet to write plays is easy, faith, enough,
As you have seen by -- Cibber -- in Tartuffe.
With how much wit he did your hearts engage!
He only stole the play; -- he writ the title-page."
[186.2] Genest says it was acted twenty-three times.
[187.1] Genest remarks (ii.616) that "Cibber deserved all the abuse
and enmity that he met with -- the Stage and the Pulpit ought NEVER to dabble
in politics."
Theo. Cibber, in a Petition to the King, given in his
"Dissertations" (Letter to Garrick, p. 29), says that his father's
"Writings, and public Professions of Loyalty, created him many Enemies,
among the Disaffected."
[187.2] "Mist's Weekly Journal" was an
anti-Hanoverian sheet, which was prominent in opposition to the Protestant
Succession. Nathaniel Mist, the proprietor, and, I suppose, editor, suffered
sundry pains and penalties for his Jacobitism. In his Preface to the second
volume of "Letters" selected from his paper, he relates how had had,
among other things, suffered imprisonment and stood in the pillory.
[189.1] There can be little doubt that the "Nonjuror" was one of
the causes of Pope's enmity to Cibber. Pope's father was a Nonjuror. See
"Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot," where the poet says of his father: --
"No courts he saw, no suits would ever try,
Nor dar'd an oath, nor hazarded a lie."
[189.2] Produced 10th January, 1728. See vol. i. p. 311, for
list of characters, &c.
[190.1] Meaning, no doubt, that the post of Poet Laureate was
given to him as a reward for his services to the Government.
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CHAPTER XVI.
The Author steps out of his Way. Pleads his
Theatrical Cause in Chancery. Carries it. Plays acted at Hampton-Court. Theatrical
Anecdotes in former Reigns. Ministers and Menagers always censur'd. The
Difficulty of supplying the Stage with good Actors consider'd. Courtiers and
Comedians govern'd by the same Passions. Examples of both. The Author quits
the Stage. Why.
HAVING brought the Government of the Stage through such
various Changes and Revolutions, to this settled State in which it continued
to almost the Time of my leaving it; 192.1 it cannot be
suppos'd that a Period of so much Quiet and so long a Train of Success (though
happy for those who enjoy'd
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it) can afford such Matter of Surprize or Amusement, as might arise from Times
of more Distress and Disorder. A quiet Time in History, like a Calm in a
Voyage, leaves us but in an indolent Station: To talk of our Affairs when they
were no longer ruffled by Misfortunes, would be a Picture without Shade, a
flat Performance at best. As I might, therefore, throw all that tedious Time
of our Tranquillity into one Chasm in my History, and cut my Way short at once
to my last Exit from the Stage, I shall at least fill it up with such Matter
only as I have a mind should be known, 193.1 how few
soever may have
-194-
Patience to read it: Yet, as I despair not of some Readers who may be most
awake when they think others have most occasion to sleep; who may be more
pleas'd to find me languid than lively, or in the
-195-
wrong than in the right; why should I scruple (when it is so easy a Matter
too) to gratify their particular Taste by venturing upon any Error that I
like, or the Weakness of my Judgment misleads me to commit?
-196-
I think, too, I have a very good Chance for my Success in this passive
Ambition, by shewing myself in a Light I have not been seen in.
By your Leave then, Gentlemen! let the Scene open, and at
once discover your Comedian at the Bar! There you will find him a Defendant,
and pleasing his own Theatrical Cause in a Court of Chancery: But, as I
chuse to have a Chance of pleasing others as well as of indulging you,
Gentlemen; I must first beg leave to open my Case to them; after which my
whole Speech upon that Occasion shall be at your Mercy.
In all the Transactions of Life, there cannot be a more
painful Circumstance, than a Dispute at Law with a Man with whom we have long
liv'd in an agreeable Amity: But when Sir Richard Steele, to get
himself out of Difficulties, was oblig'd to throw his Affairs into the Hands
of Lawyers and Trustees, that Consideration, then, could be of no weight: The
Friend, or the Gentleman, had no more to do in the Matter! Thus, while Sir Richard
no longer acted from himself, it may be no Wonder if a Flaw was found in our
Conduct for the Law to make Work
-197-
with. It must be observed, then, that about two or three Years before this
Suit was commenc'd, upon Sir Richard's totally absenting himself from
all Care and Menagement of the Stage (which by our Articles of Partnership he
was equally and jointly oblig'd with us to attend) we were reduc'd to let him
know that we could not go on at that Rate; but that if he expected to make the
Business a sine-Cure, we had as much Reason to expect a Consideration
for our extraordinary Care of it; and that during his Absence we therefore
intended to charge our selves at a Sallary of 1l. 13s. 4d.
every acting Day (unless he could shew us Cause to the contrary) for our
Menagement: To which, in his compos'd manner, he only answer'd; That to be
sure we knew what was fitter to be done than he did; that he had always taken
a Delight in making us easy, and had no Reason to doubt of our doing him
Justice. Now whether, under this easy Stile of Approbation, he conceal'd any
Dislike of our Resolution, I cannot say. But, if I may speak my private
Opinion, I really believe, from his natural Negligence of his Affairs, he was
glad, at any rate, to be excus'd an Attendance which he was now grown weary
of. But, whether I am deceiv'd or right in my Opinion, the Fact was truly
this, that he never once, directly or indirectly, complain'd or objected to
our being paid the above-mention'd daily Sum in near three Years together; and
yet still continued to absent himself from us and our Affairs. But
notwithstanding he had seen and done all this
-198-
with his Eyes open; his Lawyer thought here was still a fair Field for a
Battle in Chancery, in which, though his Client might be beaten, he was sure
his Bill must be paid for it: Accordingly, to work with us he went. But, not
to be so long as the Lawyers were in bringing this Cause to an Issue, I shall
at once let you know, that it came to a Hearing before the last Sir Joseph
Jekyll, then Master of the Rolls, in the Year 1726. 198.1
Now, as the chief Point in dispute was, of what Kind or Importance the
Business of a Menager was, or in what it principally consisted; it could not
be suppos'd that the most learned Council could be so well appriz'd of the
Nature of it, as one who had himself gone through the Care and Fatigue of it.
I was therefore encourag'd by our Council to speak to that particular Head
myself; which I confess I was glad he suffer'd me to undertake; but when I
tell you that two of the learned Council against us came afterwards to be
successively Lord-Chancellors,
-199-
it sets my Presumption in a Light that I still tremble to shew it in: But
however, not to assume more Merit from its Success than was really its Due, I
ought fairly to let you know, that I was not so hardy as to deliver my
Pleading without Notes, in my Hand, of the Heads I intended to enlarge upon;
for though I thought I could conquer my Fear, I could not be so sure of my
Memory: But when it came to the critical Moment, the Dread and Apprehension of
what I had undertaken so disconcerted my Courage, that though I had been us'd
to talk to above Fifty Thousand different People every Winter, for upwards of
Thirty Years together; an involuntary and unaffected Proof of my Confusion
fell from my Eyes; and, as I found myself quite out of my Element, I seem'd
rather gasping for Life than in a condition to cope with the eminent Orators
against me. But, however, I soon found, from the favourable Attention of my
Hearers, that my Diffidence had done me no Disservice: And as the Truth I was
to speak to needed no Ornament of Words, I delivered it in the plain manner
following, viz.
In this Cause, Sir, I humbly conceive there are but two
Points that admit of any material Dispute. The first is, Whether Sir Richard
Steele is as much obliged to do the Duty and Business of a Menager as
either Wilks, Booth, or Cibber: And the second is, Whether by
Sir Richard's totally withdrawing himself from the Business of a
Menager, the Defendants are justifiable in charging to each of themselves
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the 1l. 13s. 4d. per Diem for their particular Pains and
Care in carrying on the whole Affairs of the Stage without any Assistance from
Sir Richard Steele.
As to the First, if I don't mistake the Words of the
Assignment, there is a Clause in it that says, All Matters relating to the
Government or Menagement of the Theatre shall be concluded by a Majority of
Voices. Now I presume, Sir, there is no room left to alledge that Sir Richard
was ever refused his Voice, though in above three Years he never desir'd to
give it: And I believe there will be as little room to say, that he could have
a Voice if he were not a Menager. But, Sir, his being a Menager is so
self-evident, that it is amazing how he could conceive that he was to take the
Profits and Advantages of a Menager without doing the Duty of it. And I will
be bold to say, Sir, that his Assignment of the Patent to Wilks, Booth,
and Cibber, in no one Part of it, by the severest Construction in the
World, can be wrested to throw the heavy Burthen of the Menagement only upon
their Shoulders. Nor does it appear, Sir, that either in his Bill, or in his
Answer to our Cross-Bill, he has offer'd any Hint, or Glimpse of a Reason, for
his withdrawing from the Menagement at all; or so much as pretend, from the
time complained of, that he ever took the least Part of his Share of it. Now,
Sir, however unaccountable this Conduct of Sir Richard may seem, we
will still allow that he had some Cause for it; but whether or no that Cause
was a reasonable one your Honour will
-201-
the better judge, if I may be indulged in the Liberty of explaining it.
Sir, the Case, in plain Truth and Reality, stands thus:
Sir Richard, though no Man alive can write better of Oeconomy than
himself, yet, perhaps, he is above the Drudgery of practising it: Sir Richard,
then, was often in want of Money; and while we were in Friendship with him, we
often assisted his Occasions: But those Compliances had so unfortunate an
Effect, that they only heightened his Importunity to borrow more, and the more
we lent, the less he minded us, or shew'd any Concern for our Welfare. Upon
this, Sir, we stopt our Hands at once, and peremptorily refus'd to advance
another Shilling 'till by the Balance of our Accounts it became due to him.
And this Treatment (though, we hope, not in the least unjustifiable) we have
Reason to believe so ruffled his Temper, that he at once was as short with us
as we had been with him; for, from that Day, he never more came near us: Nay,
Sir, he not only continued to neglect what he should have done, but
actually did what he ought not to have done: He made an Assignment of
his Share without our Consent, in a manifest Breach of our Agreement: For,
Sir, we did not lay that Restriction upon ourselves for no Reason: We knew,
before-hand, what Trouble and Inconvenience it would be to unravel and expose
our Accounts to Strangers, who, if they were to do us no hurt by divulging our
Secrets, we were sure could do us no good by keeping them. If Sir Richard
-202-
had had our common Interest at heart, he would have been as warm in it as we
were, and as tender of hurting it: But supposing his assigning his Share to
others may have done us no great Injury, it is, at least, a shrewd Proof that
he did not care whether it did us any or no. And if the Clause was not strong
enough to restrain him from it in Law, there was enough in it to have
restrain'd him in Honour form breaking it. But take it in its best Light, it
shews him as remiss a Menager in our Affairs as he naturally was in his own.
Suppose, Sir, we had all been as careless as himself, which I can't find he
has any more Right to be than we have, must not our whole Affair have fallen
to Ruin? And may we not, by a parity of Reason, suppose, that by his Neglect a
fourth Part of it does fall to Ruin? But, Sir, there is a particular
Reason to believe, that, from our want of Sir Richard, more than a
fourth Part does suffer by it: His Rank and Figure in the World, while
he gave us the Assistance of them, were of extraordinary Service to us: He had
an easier Access, and a more regarded Audience at Court, than our low Station
of Life could pretend to, when our Interest wanted (as it often did) a
particular Solicitation there. But since we have been deprived of him, the
very End, the very Consideration of his Share in our Profits is not perform'd
on his Part. And will Sir Richard, then, make us no Compensation for so
valuable a Loss in our Interests, and so palpable an Addition to our Labour? I
am afraid, Sir, if we were
-203-
all to be as indolent in the Menaging-Part as Sir Richard presumes he
has a Right to be; our Patent would soon run us as many Hundreds in Debt, as
he had (and still seems willing to have) his Share of, for doing of nothing.
Sir, our next Point in question is whether Wilkes,
Booth, and Cibber are justifiable in charging the 1l. 13s.
4d. per diem for their extraordinary Menagement in the Absence of Sir Richard
Steele. I doubt, Sir, it will be hard to come to the Solution of this
Point, unless we may be a little indulg'd in setting forth what is the daily
and necessary Business and Duty of a Menager. But, Sir, we will endeavour to
be as short as the Circumstances will admit of.
Sir, by our Books it is apparent that the Menagers have
under their Care no less than One Hundred and Forty Persons in constant daily
Pay: And among such Numbers, it will be no wonder if a great many of them are
unskilful, idle, and sometimes untractable; all which Tempers are to be led,
or driven, watch'd, and restrain'd by the continual Skill, Care, and Patience
of the Menagers. Every Menager is oblig'd, in his turn, to attend two or three
Hours every Morning at the Rehearsal of Plays and other Entertainments for the
Stage, or else every Rehearsal would be but a rude Meeting of Mirth and
Jollity. The same Attendance is as necessary at every Play during the time of
its publick Action, in which one or more of us have constantly been punctual,
whether we have had any part in the Play
-204-
than acted or not. A Menager ought to be at the Reading of every new Play when
it is first offer'd to the Stage, though there are seldom one of those Plays
in twenty which, upon hearing, proves to be fit for it; and upon such
Occasions the Attendance must be allow'd to be as painfully tedious as the
getting rid of the Authors of such Plays must be disagreeable and difficult.
Besides this, Sir, a Menager is to order all new Cloaths, to assist in the
Fancy and Propriety of them, to limit the Expence, and to withstand the
unreasonable Importunities of some that are apt to think themselves injur'd if
they are not finer than their Fellows. A Menager is to direct and oversee the
Painters, Machinists, Musicians, Singers, and Dancers; to have an Eye upon the
Door-keepers, Under-Servants, and Officers that, without such Care, are too
often apt to defraud us, or neglect their Duty.
And all this, Sir, and more, much more, which we hope
will be needless to trouble you with, have we done every Day, without the
least Assistance from Sir Richard, even at times when the Concern and
Labour of our Parts upon the Stage have made it very difficult and irksome to
go through with it.
In this Place, Sir, it may be worth observing that Sir Richard,
in his Answer to our Cross-Bill, seems to value himself upon Cibber's
confessing, in the Dedication of a Play which he made to Sir Richard,
that he (Sir Richard) had done the Stage very considerable Service by
leading the Town to our Plays,
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and filling our Houses by the Force and Influence of his Tatlers. 205.1
But Sir Richard forgets that those Tatlers were written in the
late Queen's Reign, long before he was admitted to a Share in the Play-house:
And in truth, Sir, it was our real Sense of those Obligations, and Sir Richard's
assuring us they should be continued, that first and chiefly inclin'd us to
invite him to share the Profits of our Labours, upon such farther Conditions
as in his Assignment of the Patent to us are specified. And, Sir, as Cibber's
publick Acknowledgment of those Favours is at the same time an equal Proof of
Sir Richard's Power to continue them; so, Sir, we hope it
carries an equal Probability that, without his Promise to use that
Power, he would never have been thought on, much less have been invited by us
into a Joint-Menagement of the Stage, and into a Share of the Profits: And,
indeed, what Pretence could he have form'd for asking a Patent from the Crown,
had he been possess'd of no eminent Qualities but in common with other Men?
But, Sir, all these Advantages, all these Hopes, nay, Certainties of greater
Profits from those great Qualities, have we been utterly depriv'd of by the
wilful and unexpected Neglect of Sir Richard. But we find, Sir, it is a
common thing in the Practice of Mankind to justify one Error by committing
another: For Sir Richard has not only refused us the extraordinary
Assistance which he is able and
-206-
bound to give us; but, on the contrary, to our great Expence and Loss of Time,
now calls us to account, in this honourable Court, for the Wrong we have done
him, in not doing his Business of a Menager for nothing. But, Sir, Sir Richard
has not met with such Treatment from us: He has not writ Plays for us for Nothing,
we paid him very well, and in an extraordinary manner, for his late Comedy of
the Conscious Lovers: And though, in writing that Play, he had more
Assistance from one of the Menagers 206.1 than becomes
me to enlarge upon, of which Evidence has been given upon Oath by several of
our Actors; yet, Sir, he was allow'd the full and particular Profits of that
Play as an Author, which amounted to Three Hundred Pounds, besides about Three
Hundred more which he received as a Joint-Sharer of the general Profits that
arose from it. Now, Sir, though the Menagers are not all of them able to write
Plays, yet they have all of them been able to do (I won't say as good, but at
least) as profitable a thing. They have invented and adorn'd a Spectacle that
for Forty Days together has brought more Money to the House than the best Play
that ever was writ. The Spectacle I mean, Sir, is that of the
Coronation-Ceremony of Anna Bullen: 206.2 And
though we allow a
Barton Booth
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good Play to be the more laudable Performance, yet, Sir, in the profitable
Part of it there is no Comparison. If, therefore, our Spectacle brought in as
much, or more Money than Sir Richard's Comedy, what is there on his
Side but Usage that intitles him to be paid for one, more than we are for
t'other? But then, Sir, if he is so profitably distinguish'd for his Play, if
we yield him up to the Preference, and pay him for his extraordinary
Composition, and take nothing for our own, though it turn'd out more to our
common Profit; sure, Sir, while we do such extraordinary Duty as Menagers, and
while he neglects his Share of that Duty, he cannot grudge us the moderate
Demand we make for our separate Labour?
To conclude, Sir, if by our constant Attendance, our
Care, our Anxiety (not to mention the disagreeable Contests we sometimes meet
with, both within and without Doors, in the Menagement of our Theatre) we have
not only saved the whole from Ruin, which, if we had all follow'd Sir Richard's
Example, could not have been avoided; I say, Sir, if we have still made it so
valuable an Income to him, without his giving us the least Assistance for
several Years past; we hope, Sir, that the poor Labourers that have done all
this for Sir Richard will not be thought unworthy of their Hire.
How far our Affairs, being set in this particular Light,
might assist our Cause, may be of no great Importance to guess; but the Issue
of it was this: That Sir Richard not having made any objection
-208-
to what we had charged for Menagement for three Years together; and as our
Proceedings had been all transacted in open Day, without any clandestine
Intention of Fraud; we were allow'd the Sums in dispute above-mention'd; and
Sir Richard not being advised to appeal to the Lord-Chancellor, both
Parties paid their own Costs, and thought it their mutual Interest to let this
be the last of their Lawsuits.
And now, gentle Reader, I ask Pardon for so long an
Imposition on your Patience: For tho' I may have no ill Opinion of this Matter
myself; yet to you I can very easily conceive it may have been tedious. You
are, therefore, at your own Liberty of charging the whole Impertinence of it,
either to the Weakness of my Judgment, or the Strength of my Vanity; and I
will so far join in your Censure, that I farther confess I have been so
impatient to give it you, that you have had it out of its Turn: For, some
Years before this Suit was commenced, there were other Facts that ought to
have had a Precedence in my History: But that, I dare say, is an Oversight you
will easily excuse, provided you afterwards find them worth reading. However,
as to that Point I must take my Chance, and shall therefore proceed to speak
of the Theatre which was order'd by his late Majesty to be erected in the
Great old Hall at Hampton-Court; where Plays were intended to have been
acted twice a Week during the Summer-Season. But before the Theatre could be
finish'd, above half the Month of September
-209-
being elapsed, there were but seven Plays acted before the Court returned to London.
209.1 This throwing open a Theatre in a Royal Palace
seem'd to be reviving the Old English hospitable Grandeur, where the
lowest Rank of neighbouring Subjects might make themselves merry at Court
without being laugh'd at themselves. In former Reigns, Theatrical
Entertainments at the Royal Palaces had been perform'd at vast Expence, as
appears by the Description of the Decorations in several of Ben. Johnson's
Masques in King James and Charles the First's Time; 209.2
many curious and original Draughts of which, by Sir Inigo Jones, I have
seen in the Musæum of our greatest Master and Patron of Arts and
Architecture, whom it would be a needless Liberty to name. 209.3
But when our Civil Wars ended in the Decadence of Monarchy, it was then an
Honour to the Stage to have fallen with it: Yet, after the Restoration of Charles
II. some faint Attempts were made to revive these Theatrical Spectacles at
Court; but I have met with no Account of above one Masque acted there by the
Nobility; which was that of Calisto, written by Crown, the
Author of Sir Courtly Nice. For what Reason Crown was chosen to
that Honour
-210-
rather than Dryden, who was then Poet-Laureat and out of all Comparison
his Superior in Poetry, may seem surprizing: But if we consider the Offence
which the then Duke of Buckingham took at the Character of Zimri
in Dryden's Absalom, &c. (which might probably be a Return
to his Grace's Drawcansir in the Rehearsal) we may suppose the
Prejudice and Recommendation of so illustrious a Pretender to Poetry might
prevail at Court to give Crown this Preference. 210.1
In the same Reign the King had his Comedians at Windsor, but upon a
particular Establishment; for tho' they acted in St. George's Hall,
within the Royal Palace, yet (as I have been inform'd by an Eye-witness) they
were permitted to take Money at the Door of every Spectator; whether this was
an Indulgence, in Conscience I cannot say; but it was a common Report among
the principal Actors, when I first came into the Theatre-Royal, in
1690, that there was then due to the Company from that Court about One
Thousand Five Hundred Pounds for Plays commanded, &c. and yet it
was the general Complaint, in that Prince's Reign, that he paid too much
Ready-money for his Pleasures:
-211-
But these Assertions I only give as I received them, without being answerable
for their Reality. This Theatrical Anecdote, however, puts me in mind of one
of a more private nature, which I had from old solemn Boman, the late
Actor of venerable Memory. 211.1 Boman, then a
Youth, and fam'd for his Voice, was appointed to sing some Part in a Concert
of Musick at the private Lodgings of Mrs. Gwin; at which were only
present the King, the Duke of York, and one or two more who were
usually admitted upon those detach'd Parties of Pleasure. When the Performance
was ended, the King express'd himself highly pleased, and gave it
extraordinary Commendations: Then, Sir, said the Lady, to shew you don't speak
like a Courtier, I hope you will make the Performers a handsome Present: The
King said he had no Money about him, and ask'd the Duke if he had any? To
which the Duke reply'd, I believe, Sir, not above a Guinea or two. Upon which
the laughing Lady, turning to the People about her, and making bold with the
King's common Expression, cry'd, Od's Fish! what Company am I got into!
-212-
Whether the reverend Historian of his Own Time, 212.1
among the many other Reasons of the same Kind he might have for stiling this
Fair One the indiscreetest and wildest Creature that ever was in a Court,
might know this to be one of them, I can't say: But if we consider her in all
the Disadvantages of her Rank and Education, she does not appear to have had
any criminal Errors more remarkable than her Sex's Frailty to answer for: And
if the same Author, in his latter End of that Prince's Life, seems to reproach
his Memory with too kind a Concern for her Support, we may allow that it
becomes a Bishop to have had no Eyes or Taste for the frivolous Charms or
playful Badinage of a King's Mistress: Yet, if the common Fame of her
may be believ'd, which in my Memory was not doubted, she had less to be laid
to her Charge than any other of those Ladies who were in the same State of
Preferment: She never meddled in Matters of serious Moment, or was the Tool of
working Politicians: Never broke into those amorous Infidelities which others
in that grave Author are accus'd of; but was as visibly distinguish'd by her
particular Personal Inclination to the King, as her Rivals were by their
Titles and Grandeur. Give me leave to carry (perhaps the Partiality of) my
Observation a little farther. The same Author, in the same Page, 263, 212.2
tells us, That "Another of the King's Mistresses, the Daughter of a
Clergyman, Mrs. Roberts, in whom her first
-213-
"Education had so deep a Root, that though she fell "into many
scandalous Disorders, with very dismal "Adventures in them all, yet a
Principle of Religion "was so deep laid in her, that tho' it did not
"restrain her, yet it kept alive in her such a constant "Horror of
Sin, that she was never easy in an ill "course, and died with a great
Sense of her former "ill Life."
To all this let us give an implicit Credit: Here is the
Account of a frail Sinner made up with a Reverend Witness! Yet I cannot but
lament that this Mitred Historian, who seems to know more Personal Secrets
than any that ever writ before him, should not have been as inquisitive after
the last Hours of our other Fair Offender, whose Repentance I have been
unquestionably inform'd, appear'd in all the contrite Symptoms of a Christian
Sincerity. If therefore you find I am so much concern'd to make this
favourable mention of the one, because she was a Sister of the Theatre,
why may not -- But I dare not be so presumptuous, so uncharitably bold, as to
suppose the other was spoken better of merely because she was the Daughter of
a Clergyman. Well, and what then? What's all this idle Prate, you may
say, to the matter in hand? Why, I say your Question is a little too critical;
and if you won't give an Author leave, now and then, to embellish his Work by
a natural Reflexion, you are an ungentle Reader. But I have done with my
Digression, and return to our Theatre at Hampton-Court, where I am
-214-
not sure the Reader, be he ever so wise, will meet with any thing more worth
his notice: However, if he happens to read, as I write, for want of something
better to do, he will go on; and perhaps wonder when I tell him that
A Play presented at Court, or acted on a publick Stage,
seem to their different Auditors a different Entertainment. Now hear my Reason
for it. In the common Theatre the Guests are at home, where the politer Forms
of Good-breeding are not so nicely regarded: Every one there falls to, and
likes or finds fault according to his natural Taste or Appetite. At Court,
where the Prince gives the Treat, and honours the Table with his own Presence,
the Audience is under the Restraint of a Circle, where Laughter or Applause
rais'd higher than a Whisper would be star'd at. At a publick Play they are
both let loose, even 'till the Actor is sometimes pleas'd with his not being
able to be heard for the Clamour of them. But this Coldness or Decency of
Attention at Court I observ'd had but a melancholy Effect upon the impatient
Vanity of some of our Actors, who seem'd inconsolable when their flashy
Endeavours to please had pass'd unheeded: Their not considering where they
were quite disconcerted them; nor could they recover their Spirits 'till from
the lowest Rank of the Audience some gaping John or Joan, in the
fullness of their Hearts, roar'd out their Approbation: And, indeed, such a
natural Instance of honest Simplicity a Prince himself, whose Indulgence
-215-
knows where to make Allowances, might reasonably smile at, and perhaps not
think it the worst part of his Entertainment. Yet it must be own'd, that an
Audience may be as well too much reserv'd, as too profuse of their Applause:
For though it is possible a Betterton would not have been discourag'd
form throwing out an Excellence, or elated into an Error, by his Auditors
being too little or too much pleas'd, yet, as Actors of his Judgment are
Rarities, those of less Judgment may sink into a Flatness in their Performance
for want of that Applause, which from the generality of Judges they might
perhaps have some Pretence to: And the Auditor, when not seeming to feel what
ought to affect him, may rob himself of something more than he might have had
by giving the Actor his Due, who measures out his Power to please according to
the Value he sets upon his Hearer's Taste or Capacity. But, however, as we
were not here itinerant Adventurers, and had properly but one Royal Auditor to
please; after that Honour was attain'd to, the rest of our Ambition had little
to look after: And that the King was often pleas'd, we were not only assur'd
by those who had the Honour to be near him; but could see it, from the
frequent Satisfaction in his Looks at particular Scenes and Passages: One
Instance of which I am tempted to relate, because it was at a Speech that
might more naturally affect a Sovereign Prince than any private Spectator. In Shakespear's
Harry the Eighth, that King commands the Cardinal to write
-216-
circular Letters of Indemnity into every County where the Payment of certain
heavy taxes had been disputed: Upon which the Cardinal whispers the following
Directions to his Secretary Cromwell:
-- A Word with you:
Let there be Letters writ to every Shire
Of the King's Grace and Pardon: The griev'd
Commons
Hardly conceive of me. Let it be nois'd
That through our Intercession this Revokement
And Pardon comes. -- I shall anon advise you
Farther in the Proceeding --
The Solicitude of this Spiritual Minister, in filching
from his Master the Grace and Merit of a good Action, and dressing up himself
in it, while himself had been Author of the Evil complain'd of, was so easy a
Stroke of his Temporal Conscience, that it seem'd to raise the King into
something more than a Smile whenever that Play came before him: And I had a
more distinct Occasion to observe this Effect; because my proper Stand on the
Stage when I spoke the Lines required me to be near the Box where the King
usually sate: 216.1 In a Word, this Play is so true
-217-
a Dramatick Chronicle of an old English Court, and where the Character
of Harry the Eighth is so exactly drawn, even to a humourous Likeness,
that it may be no wonder why his Majesty's particular Taste for it should have
commanded it three several times in one Winter.
This, too, calls to my Memory an extravagant Pleasantry
of Sir Richard Steele, who being ask'd by a grave Nobleman, after the
same Play had been presented at Hampton-Court, how the King lik'd it,
reply'd, So terribly well, my Lord, that I was afraid I should have lost
all my Actors! For I was not sure the King would not keep them to fill the
Posts at Court that he saw them so fit for in the Play.
It may be imagin'd that giving Plays to the People at
such a distance from London could not but be attended with an
extraordinary Expence; and it was some Difficulty, when they were first talk'd
of, to bring them under a moderate Sum; I shall therefore, in as few Words as
possible, give a Particular of what Establishment they were then brought to,
that in case the same Entertainments should at any time hereafter be call'd to
the same Place, future Courts may judge how far the Precedent may stand good,
or need an Alteration.
-218-
Though the stated Fee for a Play acted at Whitehall
had been formerly but Twenty Pounds; 218.1 yet, as that
hinder'd not the Company's acting on the same Day at the Publick Theatre, that
Sum was almost all clear Profits to them: But this Circumstance not being
practicable when they were commanded to Hampton-Court, a new and
extraordinary Charge was unavoidable: The Menagers, therefore, not to inflame
it, desired no Consideration for their own Labour, farther than the Honour of
being employ'd in his Majesty's Commands; and, if the other Actors might be
allow'd each their Day's Pay and travelling Charges, they should hold
themselves ready to act any Play there at a Day's Warning: And that the
Trouble might be less by being divided, the Lord-Chamberlain was pleas'd to
let us know that the Houshold-Musick, the Wax Lights, and a Chaise-Marine
to carry our moving Wardrobe to every different Play, should be under the
Charge of the proper Officers. Notwithstanding these assistances, the Expence
of every Pay amounted to Fifty Pounds: Which Account, when all was over, was
not only allow'd us, but his Majesty was graciously pleas'd to give the
Menagers Two Hundred Pounds more for their particular Performance and Trouble
in only
-219-
seven times acting. 219.1 Which last Sum, though it
might not be too much for a Sovereign Prince to give, it was certainly more
than our utmost Merit ought to have hop'd for: And I confess, when I receiv'd
the Order for the Money from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, then
Lord-Chamberlain, I was so surpris'd, that I imagin'd his Grace's Favour, or
Recommendation of our Readiness or Diligence, must have contributed to so high
a Consideration of it, and was offering my Acknowledgments as I thought them
due; but was soon stopt short by his Grace's Declaration, That we had no
Obligations for it but to the King himself, who had given it from no other
Motive than his own Bounty. Now whether we may suppose that Cardinal Wolsey
(as you see Shakespear has drawn him) would silently have taken such
low Acknowledgments to himself, perhaps may be as little worth consideration
as my mentioning this Circumstance has been necessary: But if it is due to the
Honour and Integrity of the (then) Lord-Chamberlain, I cannot think it wholly
impertinent.
Since that time there has been but one Play given at Hampton-Court,
which was for the Entertainment of the Duke of Lorrain; and for which
is present
-220-
Majesty was pleased to order us a Hundred Pounds.
The Reader may now plainly see that I am ransacking my
Memory for such remaining Scraps of Theatrical History as may not perhaps be
worth his Notice: But if they are such as tempt me to write them, why may I
not hope that in this wide World there may be many an idle Soul, no wiser than
my self, who may be equally tempted to read them?
I have so often had occasion to compare the State of the
Stage to the State of a Nation, that I yet feel a Reluctancy to drop the
Comparison, or speak of the one without some Application to the other. How
many Reigns, then, do I remember, from that of Charles the Second,
through all which there has been, from one half of the People or the other, a
Succession of Clamour against every different Ministry for the time being? And
yet, let the Cause of this Clamour have been never so well grounded, it is
impossible but that some of those Ministers must have been wiser and honester
Men than others: If this be true, as true I believe it is, why may I not then
say, as some Fool in a French Play does upon a like Occasion -- Justement,
comme chez nous! 'Twas exactly the same with our Menagement! let us have
done never so well, we could not please every body: All I can say in our
Defence is, that though many good Judges might possibly conceive how the State
of the Stage might have been mended, yet the best of them never pretended to
remember the Time when
-221-
it was better! or could shew us the way to make their imaginary Amendments
practicable.
For though I have often allow'd that our best Merit as
Actors was never equal to that of our Predecessors, yet I will venture to say,
that in all its Branches the Stage had never been under so just, so
prosperous, and so settled a Regulation, for forty Years before, as it was at
the Time I am speaking of. The most plausible Objection to our Administration
seemed to be, that we took no Care to breed up young Actors to succeed us; 221.1
and this was imputed as the greater Fault, because it was taken for granted
that it was a Matter as easy as planting so many Cabbages: Now, might not a
Court as well be reproached for not breeding up a Succession of complete
Ministers? And yet it is evident, that if Providence or Nature don't supply us
with both, the State and the Stage will be but poorly supported. If a Man of
an ample Fortune should take it into his Head to give a younger Son an
extraordinary Allowance in order to breed him a great Poet, what might we
suppose would be the Odds that his Trouble and Money would be all thrown away?
Not more than it would be against the Master of a Theatre who should say, this
or that young Man I will take care shall be an excellent Actor! Let it be our
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Excuse, then, for that mistaken Charge against us; that since there was no
Garden or Market where accomplished Actors grew or were to be sold, we could
only pick them up, as we do Pebbles of Value, by Chance: We may polish a
thousand before we can find one fit to make a Figure in the Lid of a
Snuff-Box. And how few soever we were able to produce, it is no Proof that we
were not always in search of them: Yet, at worst, it was allow'd that our
Deficiency of Men Actors was not so visible as our Scarcity of tolerable
Women: But when it is consider'd, that the Life of Youth and Beauty is too
short for the bringing an Actress to her Perfection; were I to mention, too,
the many frail fair Ones I remember who, before they could arrive to their
Theatrical Maturity, were feloniously stolen from the Tree, it would rather be
thought our Misfortune than our Fault that we were not better provided. 222.1
Even the Laws of a Nunnery, we find, are thought no
sufficient Security against Temptations without Iron Grates and high Walls to
inforce them; which the Architecture of a Theatre will not so properly admit
of: And yet, methinks, Beauty that has not those artificial Fortresses about
it, that has no Defence but its natural Virtue (which upon the Stage
Susanna Maria Cibber as Cordelia
-223-
has more than once been met with) makes a much more meritorious Figure in Life
than that immur'd Virtue which could never be try'd. But alas! as the poor
Stage is but the Show-glass to a Toy-shop, we must not wonder if now and then
some of the Bawbles should find a Purchaser.
However, as to say more or less than Truth are equally
unfaithful in an Historian, I cannot but own that, in the Government of the
Theatre, I have known many Instances where the Merit of promising Actors has
not always been brought forward, with the Regard or Favour it had a Claim to:
And if I put my Reader in mind, that in the early Part of this Work I have
shewn thro' what continued Difficulties and Discouragements I myself made my
way up the Hill of Preferment, he may justly call it too strong a Glare of my
Vanity: I am afraid he is in the right; but I pretend not to be one of those
chaste Authors that know how to write without it: When Truth is to be told, it
may be as much Chance as Choice if it happens to turn out in my Favour: But to
shew that this was true of others as well as myself, Booth shall be
another Instance. In 1707, when Swiney was the only Master of the
Company in the Hay-Market; Wilks, tho' he was then but an hired
Actor himself, rather chose to govern and give Orders than to receive them;
and was so jealous of Booth's rising, that with a high Hand he gave the
Part of Pierre, in Venice Preserv'd, to Mills the elder,
who (not to undervalue him) was out of Sight in the Pretensions
-224-
that Booth, then young as he was, had to the same Part: 224.1
and this very Discouragement so strongly affected him, that not long after,
when several of us became Sharers with Swiney, Booth rather chose to
risque his Fortune with the old Patentee in Drury-Lane, than come into
our Interest, where he saw he was like to meet with more of those
Partialities. 224.2 And yet, again, Booth
himself, when he came to be a Menager, would sometimes suffer his Judgment to
be blinded by his Inclination to Actors whom the Town seem'd to have but an
indifferent Opinion of. This again inclines me to ask another of my odd
Questions, viz. Have we never seen the same passions govern a Court!
How many white Staffs and great Places do we find, in our Histories, have been
laid at the Feet of a Monarch, because they chose not to give way to a Rival
in Power, or hold a second Place in his Favour? How many Whigs and Tories
have chang'd their Parties, when their good or bad Pretensions have met with a
Check to their higher Preferment?
Thus we see, let the Degrees and Rank of Men be ever so
unequal, Nature throws out their Passions from the same Motives; 'tis not the
Eminence or Lowliness of either that makes the one, when provok'd, more or
less a reasonable Creature than the
-225-
other: The Courtier and the Comedian, when their Ambition is out of Humour,
take just the same Measures to right themselves.
If this familiar Stile of talking should, in the Nostrils
of Gravity and Wisdom, smell a little too much of the Presumptuous or the
Pragmatical, I will at least descend lower in my Apology for it, by calling to
my Assistance the old, humble Proverb, viz. 'Tis an ill Bird that, &c.
Why then should I debase my Profession by setting it in vulgar Lights, when I
may shew it to more favourable Advantages? And when I speak of our Errors, why
may I not extenuate them by illustrious Examples? or by not allowing them
greater than the greatest Men have been subject to? Or why, indeed, may I not
suppose that a sensible Reader will rather laugh than look grave at the Pomp
of my Parallels?
Now, as I am tied down to the Veracity of an Historian
whose Facts cannot be supposed, like those in a Romance, to be in the Choice
of the Author to make them more marvellous by Invention; if I should happen to
sink into a little farther Insignificancy, let the simple Truth of what I have
farther to say, be my Excuse for it. I am obliged, therefore, to make the
Experiment, by shewing you the Conduct of our Theatrical Ministry in such
Lights as on various Occasions it appear'd in.
Though Wilks had more Industry and Application
than any Actor I had ever known, yet we found it possible that those necessary
Qualities might sometimes
-226-
be so misconducted as not only to make them useless, but hurtful to our
Common-wealth; 226.1 for while he was impatient to be
foremost in every thing, he frequently shock'd the honest Ambition of others,
whose Measures might have been more serviceable, could his Jealousy have given
way to them. His own Regards for himself, therefore, were, to avoid a
disagreeable Dispute with him, too often complied with: But this leaving his
Diligence to his own Conduct, made us, in some Instances, pay dearly for it:
For Example; he would take as much, or more Pains, in forwarding to the Stage
the Water-gruel Work of some insipid Author that happen'd rightly to make his
Court to him, 226.2 than he would for the
-227-
best Play wherein it was not his Fortune to be chosen for the best Character.
So great was his Impatience to be employ'd, that I scarce remember, in twenty
Years, above one profitable Play we could get to be reviv'd, wherein he found
he was to make no considerable Figure, independent of him: But the Tempest
having done Wonders formerly, he could not form any Pretensions to let it lie
longer dormant: However, his Coldness to it was so visible, that he took all
Occasions to postpone and discourage its Progress, by frequently taking up the
morning-Stage with something more to his Mind. Having been myself particularly
solicitous for the reviving this Play, Dogget (for this was before Booth
came into the Menagement) consented that the extraordinary Decorations and
Habits should be left to my Care and Direction, as the fittest Person whose
Temper could jossle through the petulant Opposition that he knew Wilks
would be always offering to it, because he had but a middling Part in it, that
of Ferdinand: Notwithstanding which, so it happened, that the Success
of it shew'd (not to take from the Merit of Wilks) that it was possible
to have good Audiences without his extraordinary Assistance. In the first six
Days of acting it we paid all our constant and incidental Expence, and shar'd
each of us a hundred Pounds: The greatest Profit that in so little a Time had
yet been known within my Memory! But, alas! what was paltry Pelf to Glory?
That was the darling Passion of Wilks's Heart! and
-228-
not to advance in it was, to so jealous an Ambition, a painful Retreat, a mere
Shade to his Laurels! and the common Benefit was but a poor Equivalent to his
want of particular Applause! To conclude, not Prince Lewis of Baden,
though a Confederate General with the Duke of Marlborough, was more
inconsolable upon the memorable Victory at Blenheim, at which he was
not present, than our Theatrical Hero was to see any Action prosperous that he
was not himself at the Head of. If this, then was an Infirmity in Wilks,
why may not my shewing the same Weakness in so great a Man mollify the
Imputation, and keep his Memory in Countenance.
This laudable Appetite for Fame in Wilks was not,
however, to be fed without that constant Labour which only himself was able to
come up to: He therefore bethought him of the means to lessen the Fatigue, and
at the same time to heighten his Reputation; which was, by giving up now and
then a Part to some raw Actor who he was sure would disgrace it, and
consequently put the Audience in mind of his superior Performance: Among this
sort of Indulgences to young Actors he happen'd once to make a Mistake that
set his Views in a clear Light. The best Criticks, I believe, will allow that
in Shakespear's Macbeth there are, in the Part of Macduff,
two Scenes, the one of Terror, in the second Act, and the other of Compassion,
in the fourth, equal to any that dramatick Poetry has produc'd: These Scenes Wilks
had acted with Success, tho' far short of that happier
-229-
Skill and Grace which Monfort had formerly shewn in them. 229.1
Such a Part, however, one might imagine would be one of the last a good Actor
would chuse to part with: But Wilks was of a different Opinion; for Macbeth
was thrice as long, had more great Scenes of Action, and bore the Name of the
Play: Now, to be a second in any Play was what he did not much care for, and
had been seldom us'd to: This Part of Macduff, therefore,he had given
to one Williams, as yet no extraordinary, though a promising Actor. 229.2
Williams, in the Simplicity of his Heart, immediately
-230-
told Booth what a Favour Wilks had done him. Booth, as he
had Reason, thought Wilks had here carried his Indulgence and his
Authority a little too far; for as Booth had no better a Part in the
same Play than that of Banquo, he found himself too much disregarded in
letting so young an Actor take Place of him: Booth, therefore, who knew
the Value of Macduff, proposed to do it himself, and to give Banquo
to Williams; and to make him farther amends, offer'd him any other of
his Parts that he thought might be of Service to him. Williams was
content with the Exchange, and thankful for the Promise. This Scheme, indeed,
(had it taken Effect) might have been an Ease to Wilks, and possibly no
Disadvantage to the Play; but softly -- That was not quite what we had a Mind
to! No sooner, then, came this Proposal to Wilks, but off went the
Masque and out came the Secret! For though Wilks wanted to be eas'd of
the Part, he did not desire to be excell's in it; and as he was not
sure but that might be the case if Booth were to act it, 230.1
he wisely retracted his
-231-
own Project, took Macduff again to himself, and while he liv'd never
had a Thought of running the same Hazard by any farther Offer to resign it.
Here I confess I am at a Loss for a Fact in History to
which this can be a Parallel! To be weary of a Post, even to a real Desire of
resigning it; and yet to chuse rather to drudge on in it than suffer it to be
well supplied (though to share in that Advantage) is a Delicacy of Ambition
that Machiavil himself has made no mention of: Or if in old Rome,
the Jealousy of any pretended Patriot equally inclin'd to abdicate his Office
may have come up to it, 'tis more than my reading remembers.
As nothing can be more impertinent than shewing too
frequent a Fear to be thought so, I will, without farther Apology, rather
risque that Imputation than not tell you another Story much to the same
purpose, and of no more consequence than my last. To make you understand it,
however, a little Preface will be necessary.
If the Merit of an Actor (as it certainly does) consists
more in the Quality than the Quantity of his Labour; the other Menagers had no
visible Reason to think this needless Ambition of Wilks, in being so
often and sometimes so unnecessarily employ'd, gave him any Title to a
Superiority; especially when our Articles of Agreement had allow'd us all to
be equal. But what are narrow Contracts to great Souls with growing Desires? Wilks,
therefore, who thought himself lessen'd in appealing to any Judgment but
-232-
his own, plainly discovered by his restless Behaviour (though he did not care
to speak out) that he thought he had a Right to some higher Consideration for
his Performance: This was often Booth's Opinion, as well as my own. It
must be farther observ'd, that he actually had a separate Allowance of Fifty
Pounds a Year for writing our daily Play-Bills for the Printer: Which
Province, to say the Truth, was the only one we car'd to trust to his
particular Intendance, or could find out for a Pretence to distinguish him.
But, to speak a plainer Truth, this Pension, which was not part of our
original Agreement, was merely paid to keep him quiet, and not that we thought
it due to so insignificant a Charge as what a Prompter had formerly executed.
This being really the Case, his frequent Complaints of being a Drudge to the
Company grew something more than disagreeable to us: For we could not digest
the Imposition of a Man's setting himself to work, and then bringing in his
own Bill for it. Booth, therefore, who was less easy than I was to see
him so often setting a Merit upon this Quantity of his Labour, which neither
could be our Interest or his own to lay upon him, proposed to me that we might
remove this pretended Grievance by reviving some Play that might be likely to
live, and be easily acted, without Wilks's having any Part in it. About
this time an unexpected Occasion offer'd itself to put our Project in
practice: What follow'd our Attempt will be all (if any thing be) worth
Observation in my Story.
-233-
In 1725 we were call'd upon, in a manner that could not
be resisted, to revive the Provok'd Wife, 233.1 a
Comedy which, while we found our Account in keeping the Stage clear of those
loose Liberties it had formerly too justly been charg'd with, we had laid
aside for some Years. 233.2 The Author, Sir John
Vanbrugh, who was conscious of what it had too much of, was prevail'd upon
233.3 to substitute a new-written Scene in the Place of
one in the fourth Act, where the Wantonness of his Wit and Humour had
(originally) made a Rake 233.4 talk like a Rake in the
borrow'd Habit of a Clergyman: To avoid which Offence, he clapt the same
Debauchee into the Undress of a Woman of Quality: Now the Character and
Profession of a Fine Lady not being so indelibly sacred as that of a
Churchman, whatever Follies he expos'd in the Petticoat kept him at least
clear of his former Prophaneness,
-234-
and were now innocently ridiculous to the Spectator.
This Play being thus refitted for the Stage, was, as I
have observ'd, call'd for from Court and by many of the Nobility. 234.1
Now, then, we thought, was a proper time to come to an Explanation with Wilks:
Accordingly, when the Actors were summon'd to hear the Play read and receive
their Parts, I address'd myself to Wilks, before them all, and told
him, That as the Part of Constant, which he seem'd to chuse, was a
Character of less Action than he generally appear'd in, we thought this might
be a good Occasion to ease himself by giving it to another. -- Here he look'd
grave. -- That the Love-Scenes of it were rather serious than gay or
humourous, and therefore might sit very well upon Booth. -- Down dropt
his Brow, and furl'd were his Features. -- That if we were never to revive a
tolerable Play without him, what would become of us in case of his
Indispositon? -- Here he pretended to stir the Fire. -- That as he could have
no farther Advantage or Advancement in his Station to hope for, his acting in
this Play was but giving himself an unprofitable Trouble, which neither Booth
or I desired to impose upon him. -- Softly. -- Now the Pill began to
-235-
gripe him. -- In a Word, this provoking Civility plung'd him into a Passion
which he was no longer able to contain; out it came, with all the Equipage of
unlimited Language that on such Occasions his Displeasure usually set out
with; but when his Reply was stript of those Ornaments, it was plainly this:
That he look'd upon all I had said as a concerted Design, not only to
signalize our selves by laying him aside, but a Contrivance to draw him into
the Disfavour of the Nobility, by making it suppos'd his own Choice that he
did not act in a Play so particularly ask'd for; but we should find he could
stand upon his own Bottom, and it wa snot all our little caballing should get
our Ends of him: To which I answer'd with some Warmth, That he was mistaken in
our Ends; for Those, Sir, said I, you have answer'd already by shewing the
Company you cannot bear to be left out of any Play. Are not you every Day
complaining of your being over-labour'd? And now, upon our first offering to
ease you, you fly into a Passion, and pretend to make that a greater Grievance
than t'other: But, Sir, if your being In or Out of the Play is a Hardship, you
shall impose it upon yourself: The Part is in your Hand, and to us it is a
Matter of Indifference now whether you take it or leave it. Upon this he threw
down the Part upon the Table, cross'd his Arms, and sate knocking his Heel
upon the Floor, as seeming to threaten most when he said least; but when no
body persuaded him to take it up again, Booth, not chusing to push
-236-
the matter too far, but rather to split the difference of our Dispute, said,
That, for his Part, he saw no such great matter in acting every Day; for he
believed it the wholsomest Exercise in the World; it kept the Spirits in
motion, and always gave him a good Stomach. Though this was, in a manner,
giving up the Part to Wilks, yet it did not allow he did us any Favour
in receiving it. Here I observ'd Mrs. Oldfield began to titter behind
her Fan: But Wilks being more intent upon what Booth had said,
reply'd, Every one could best feel for himself, but he did not pretend to the
Strength of a Pack-horse; therefore if Mrs. Oldfield would chuse any
body else to play with her, 236.1 he should be very glad
to be excus'd: This throwing the Negative upon Mrs. Oldfield was,
indeed, a sure way to save himself; which I could not help taking notice of,
by saying, It was making but an ill Compliment to the Company to suppose there
was but one Man in it fit to play an ordinary Part with her. Here Mrs. Oldfield
got up, and turning me half round to come forward, said with her usual
Frankness, Pooh! you are all a Parcel of Fools, to make such a rout about
nothing! Rightly judging that the Person most out of humour would not be more
displeas'd at her calling us all by the same Name. As she knew, too, the best
way of ending the Debate would be to help the Weak; she said, she hop'd Mr. Wilks
would not so far mind what had past as to refuse his acting the Part with
-237-
her; for tho' it might not be so good as he had been us'd to, yet she believed
those who had bespoke the Play would expect to have it done to the best
Advantage, and it would make but an odd Story abroad if it were known there
had been any Difficulty in that point among ourselves. To conclude, Wilks
had the Part, and we had all we wanted; which as an Occasion to let him see,
that the Accident or Choice of one Menager's being more employ'd than another
would never be allow'd a Pretence for altering our Indentures, or his having
an extraordinary Consideration for it. 237.1
However disagreeable it might be to have this unsociable
Temper daily to deal with; yet I cannot but say, that from the same impatient
Spirit that had so often hurt us, we still drew valuable Advantages: For as Wilks
seem'd to have no Joy in Life beyond his being distinguish'd on the Stage, we
were not only sure of his always doing his best there himself, but of making
others more careful than without the Rod of so irascible a Temper over them
they would have been. And I much question if a more temperate or better Usage
of the hired Actors could have so effectually kept them to Order. Not even Betterton
(as we have seen) with all his good Sense, his great Fame and Experience,
could, by being only a quiet Example of Industry himself, save his Company
from falling, while neither Gentleness could
-238-
govern or the Consideration of their common Interest reform them. 238.1
Diligence, with much the inferior Skill or Capacity, will beat the best
negligent Company that ever came upon a Stage. But when a certain dreaming
Idleness or jolly Negligence of Rehearsals gets into a Body of the Ignorant
and Incapable (which before Wilks came into Drury-Lane, when Powel
was at the Head of them, was the Case of that Company) then, I say, a sensible
Spectator might have look'd upon the fallen Stage as Portius in the
Play of Cato does upon his ruin'd Country, and have lamented it in
(something near) the same Exclamation, viz.
-- O ye Immortal Bards!
What Havock do these Blockheads make among
your Works!
How are the boasted Labours of an Age
Defac'd and tortur'd by Ungracious Action?
238.2
Of this wicked Doings Dryden, too, complains in
one of his Prologues at that time, where, speaking of such lewd Actors, he
closes a Couplet with the following Line, viz.
And murder Plays, which they miscall Reviving.
238.3
-239-
The great Share, therefore, that Wilks, by his
exemplary Diligence and Impatience of Neglect in others, had in the
Reformation of this Evil, ought in Justice to be remember'd; and let my own
Vanity here take Shame to itself when I confess, That had I had half his
Application, I still think I might have shewn myself twice the Actor that in
my highest State of Favour I appear'd to be. But if I have any Excuse for that
Neglect (a Fault which, if I loved not Truth, I need not have mentioned) it is
that so much of my Attention was taken up in an incessant Labour to guard
against our private Animosities, and preserve a Harmony in our Menagement,
that I hope and believe it made ample Amends for whatever Omission my Auditors
might sometimes know it cost me some pains to conceal. But Nature takes care
to bestow her Blessings with a more equal Hand than Fortune does, and is
seldom known to heap too many upon one Man: One tolerable Talent in an
Individual is enough to preserve him from being good for nothing; and, if that
was not laid to my Charge as an Actor, I have in this Light too, less to
complain of than to be thankful for.
Before I conclude my History, it may be expected I should
give some further View of these my last Cotemporaries of the Theatre, Wilks
and Booth, in their different acting Capacities. If I were to paint
-240-
them in the Colours they laid upon one another, their Talents would not be
shewn with half the Commendation I am inclined to bestow upon them, when they
are left to my own Opinion. But People of the same Profession are apt to see
themselves in their own clear Glass of Partiality, and look upon their Equals
through a Mist of Prejudice. It might be imagin'd, too, from the difference of
their natural Tempers, that Wilks should have been more blind to the
Excellencies of Booth than Booth was to those of Wilks;
but it was not so: Wilks would sometimes commend Booth to me;
but when Wilks excell'd, the other was silent: 240.1
Booth seem'd to think nothing valuable that was not tragically Great or
Marvellous: Let that be as true as it may; yet I have often thought that, from
his having no Taste of Humour himself, 240.2 he might be
too much inclin'd to depreciate the Acting of it in others. The very slight
Opinion
-241-
which in private Conversation with me he had of Wilks's acting Sir Harry
Wildair, was certainly more than could be justified; not only from the
general Applause that was against that Opinion (tho' Applause is not always
infallible) but from the visible Capacity which must be allow'd to an Actor,
that could carry such slight Materials to such a height of Approbation: For,
though the Character of Wildair scarce in any one Scene will stand
against a just Criticism; yet in the Whole there are so many gay and false
Colours of the fine Gentleman, that nothing but a Vivacity in the Performance
proportionably extravagant could have made them so happily glare upon a common
Audience.
Wilks, from his first setting out, certainly
form'd his manner of Acting upon the Model of Monfort; 241.1
as Booth did his on that of Betterton. But -- Haud passibus
æquis: I cannot say either of them came up to their Original. Wilks
had not that easy regulated Behaviour, or the harmonious Elocution of the One,
nor Booth that Conscious Aspect of Intelligence nor requisite Variation
of Voice that made every Line the Other spoke seem his own natural
self-deliver'd Sentiment: Yet there is still room for great Commendation of
Both the first mentioned; which will not be so much diminish'd in my having
said they were only excell'd by such Predecessors, as it will be
-242-
rais'd in venturing to affirm it will be a longer time before any Successors
in Poetry came so near Him as He himself did to Homer.
Though the Majority of Publick Auditors are but bad
judges of Theatrical Action, and are often deceiv'd into their Approbation of
what has no solid Pretence to it; yet, as there are no other appointed Judges
to appeal to, and as every single Spectator has a Right to be one of them,
their Sentence will be definitive, and the Merit of an Actor must, in some
degree, be weigh'd by it: By this Law, then, Wilks was pronounced an
Excellent Actor; which, if the few true Judges did not allow him to be, they
were at least too candid to slight or discourage him. Booth and he were
Actors so directly opposite in their Manner, that if either of them could have
borrowed a little of the other's Fault, they would Both have been improv'd by
it: If Wilks had sometimes too violent a Vivacity; Booth as
often contented himself with too grave a Dignity: The Latter seem'd too much
to heave up his Words, as the other to dart them to the Ear with too quick and
sharp a Vehemence: Thus Wilks would too frequently break into the Time
and Measure of the Harmony by too many spirited Accents in one Line; and Booth,
by too solemn a Regard to Harmony, would as often lose the necessary Spirit of
it: So that (as I have observ'd) could we have sometimes rais'd the one and
-243-
sunk the other, they had both been nearer to the mark. Yet this could not be
always objected to them: They had their Intervals of unexceptionable
Excellence, that more than balanc'd their Errors. The Master-piece of Booth
and Othello: There he was most in Character, and seemed not more to
animate or please himself in it than his Spectators. 'Tis true he owed his
last and highest Advancement to his acting Cato: But it was the Novelty
and critical Appearance of that Character that chiefly swell'd the Torrent of
his Applause: For let the Sentiments of a declaiming Patriot have all the
Sublimity that Poetry can raise them to; let them be deliver'd, too, with the
utmost Grace and Dignity of Elocution that can recommend them to the Auditor:
Yet this is but one Light wherein the Excellence of an Actor can shine: But in
Othello we may see him in the Variety of Nature: There the Actor is
carried through the different Accidents of domestick Happiness and Misery,
occasionally torn and tortur'd by the most distracting Passion that can raise
Terror or Compassion in the Spectator. Such are the Characters that a Master
Actor would delight in; and therefore in Othello I may safely aver that
Booth shew'd himself thrice the Actor that he could in Cato. And
yet his Merit in acting Cato need not be diminish'd by this Comparison.
Wilks often regretted that in Tragedy he had not
the full and strong Voice of Booth to command and grace his Periods
with: But Booth us'd to say, That
-244-
if his Ear had been equal to it, Wilks had Voice enough to have shewn
himself a much better Tragedian. Now, though there might be some Truth in
this; yet these two Actors were of so mixt a Merit, that even in Tragedy the
Superiority was not always on the same side: In Sorrow, Tenderness, or
Resignation, Wilks plainly had the Advantage, and seem'd more
pathetically to feel, look, and express his Calamity: But in the more
turbulent Transports of the Heart, Booth again bore the Palm, and left
all Competitors behind him. A Fact perhaps will set this Difference in a
clearer Light. I have formerly seen Wilks act Othello, 244.1
and Booth the Earl of Essex, 244.2 in
which they both miscarried: Neither the exclamatory Rage or Jealousy of the
one, or the plaintive Distresses of the other, were happily executed, or
became either of them; though in the contrary Characters they were both
excellent.
When an Actor becomes and naturally Looks the Character
he stands in, I have often observ'd it to have had as fortunate an Effect, and
as much recommended
-245-
him to the Approbation of the common Auditors, as the most correct or
judicious Utterance of the Sentiments: This was strongly visible in the
favourable Reception Wilks met with in Hamlet, where I own the
Half of what he spoke was as painful to my Ear as every Line that came from Betterton
was charming; 245.1 and yet it is not impossible, could
they have come to a Poll, but Wilks might have had a Majority of
Admirers: However, such a Division had been no Proof that the Præeminence had
not still remain'd in Betterton; and if I should add that Booth,
too, was behind Betterton in Othello, it would be saying no more
than Booth himself had Judgment and Candour enough to know and confess.
And if both he and Wilks are allow'd, in the two above-mention'd
Characters, a second Place to so great a Master as Betterton, it will
be a Rank of Praise that the best Actors since my Time might have been proud
of.
I am now come towards the End of that Time through which
our Affairs had long gone forward in a settled Course of Prosperity. From the
Visible Errors of former Menagements we had at last found the necessary Means
to bring our private Laws and Orders into the general Observance and
Approbation of our Society: Diligence and Neglect were under an equal Eye; the
one never fail'd of its Reward, and the other, by being very rarely excus'd,
-246-
was less frequently committed. You are now to consider us in our height of
Favour, and so much in fashion with the politer Part of the Town, that our
House every Saturday seem'd to be the appointed Assembly of the First
Ladies of Quality: Of this, too, the common Spectators were so well appriz'd,
that for twenty Years successively, on that Day, we scarce ever fail'd of a
crowded Audience; for which Occasion we particularly reserv'd our best Plays,
acted in the best Manner we could give them. 246.1
Among our many necessary Reformations; what not a little
preserv'd to us the Regard of our Auditors, was the Decency of our clear
Stage; 246.2 from whence we had now, for many Years,
shut out those idle Gentlemen, who seem'd more delighted to be pretty Objects
themselves, than capable of any Pleasure from the Play: Who took their daily
Stands where they might best elbow the Actor, and come in for their Share of
the Auditor's Attention. In many a labour'd Scene of the warmest Humour and of
the most affecting Passion have I seen the best Actors disconcerted, while
these buzzing Muscatos have been fluttering round their Eyes and Ears. How was
it possible an Actor, so embarrass'd, should keep his Impatience from entering
into that different
-247-
Temper which his personated Character might require him to be Master of?
Future Actors may perhaps wish I would set this Grievance
in a stronger Light; and, to say the Truth, where Auditors are ill-bred, it
cannot well be expected that Actors should be polite. Let me therefore shew
how far an Artist in any Science is apt to be hurt by any sort of Inattention
to his Performance.
While the famous Corelli, 247.1
at Rome, was playing some Musical Composition of his own to a select
Company in the private Apartment of his Patron-Cardinal, he observed, in the
height of his Harmony, his Eminence was engaging in a detach'd Conversation;
upon which he suddenly stopt short, and gently laid down his Instrument: The
Cardinal, surpriz'd at the unexpected Cessation, ask'd him if a String was
broke? To which Corelli, in an honest Conscience of what was due to his
Musick, reply'd, No, Sir, I was only afraid I interrupted Business. His
Eminence, who knew that a Genius could never shew itself to Advantage where it
had not its proper Regards, took this Reproof in good Part, and broke off his
Conversation to hear the whole Concerto play'd over again.
Another Story will let us see what Effect a mistaken
Offence of this kind had upon the French
-248-
Theatre; which was told me by a Gentleman of the long Robe, then at Paris,
and who was himself the innocent Author of it. At the Tragedy of Zaire,
while the celebrated Mademoiselle Gossin 248.1
was delivering a Soliloquy, this Gentleman was seiz'd with a sudden Fit of
Coughing, which gave the Actress some Surprize and Interruption; and his Fit
increasing, she was forced to stand silent so long, that it drew the Eyes of
the uneasy Audience upon him; when a French Gentleman, leaning forward
to him, ask'd him, If this Actress had given him any particular Offence, that
he took so publick an Occasion to resent it? The English Gentleman, in
the utmost Surprize, assured him, So far from it, that he was a particular
Admirer of her Performance; that his Malady was his real Misfortune, and if he
apprehended any Return of it, he would rather quit his Seat than disoblige
either the Actress of the Audience.
This publick Decency in their Theatre I have myself seen
carried so far, that a Gentleman in their second Loge, or
Middle-Gallery, being observ'd to sit forward himself while a Lady sate behind
him, a loud Number of Voices call'd out to him from the Pit, Place à la
Dame! Place à la Dame! When the
-249-
Person so offending, either not apprehending the Meaning of the Clamour, or
possibly being some John Trott who fear'd no Man alive; the Noise was
continued for several Minutes; nor were the Actors, though ready on the Stage,
suffer'd to begin the Play 'till this unbred Person was laugh'd out of his
Seat, and had placed the Lady before him.
Whether this Politeness observ'd at Plays may be owing to
their Clime, their Complexion, or their Government, is of no great
Consequence; but if it is to be acquired, methinks it is pity our accomplish'd
Countrymen, who every Year import so much of this Nation's gawdy Garniture,
should not, in this long Course of our Commerce with them, have brought over a
little of their Theatrical Good-breeding too.
I have been the more copious upon this Head, that it
might be judg'd how much it stood us upon to have got rid of those improper
Spectators I have been speaking of: For whatever Regard we might draw by
keeping them at a Distance from our Stage, I had observed, while they were
admitted behind our Scenes, we but too often shew'd them the wrong Side of our
Tapestry; and that many a tolerable Actor was the less valued when it was
known what ordinary Stuff he was made of.
Among the many more disagreeable Distresses that are
almost unavoidable in the Government of a Theatre, those we so often met with
from the Persecution of bad Authors were what we could never intirely
-250-
get rid of. But let us state both our Cases, and then see where the Justice of
the Complaint lies. 'Tis true, when an ingenious Indigent had taken perhaps a
whole Summer's Pains, invitâ Minervâ, to heap up a Pile of Poetry
into the Likeness of a Play, and found, at last, the gay Promise of his
Winter's Support was rejected and abortive, a Man almost ought to be a Poet
himself to be justly sensible of his Distress! Then, indeed, great Allowances
ought to be made for the severe Reflections he might naturally throw upon
those pragmatical Actors, who had no Sense of Taste of good Writing. And yet,
if his Relief was only to be had by his imposing a bad Play upon a good Set of
Actors, methinks the Charity that first looks at home has as good an Excuse
for its Coldness as the unhappy Object of it had a Pleas for his being
reliev'd at their Expence. But immediate Want was not always confess'd their
Motive for Writing; Fame, Honour, and Parnassian Glory had sometimes
taken a romantick Turn in their Heads; and then they gave themselves the Air
of talking to us in a higher Strain -- Gentlemen were not to be so treated!
the Stage was like to be finely govern'd when Actors pretended to be Judges of
Authors, &c. But, dear Gentlemen! if they were good Actors, why
not? How should they have been able to act, or rise to any Excellence, if you
supposed them not to feel or understand what you offer'd them? Would you have
reduc'd them to the meer Mimickry of Parrots and Monkies, that can only
-251-
prate, and play a great many pretty Tricks, without Reflection? Or how are you
sure your Friend, the infallible Judge to whom you read your fine Piece, might
be sincere in the Praises he gave it? Or, indeed, might no you have thought
the best Judge a bad one if he had disliked it? Consider, too, how possible it
might be that a Man of Sense would not care to tell you a Truth he was sure
you would not believe! And if neither Dryden, Congreve, Steele, Addison,
nor Farquhar, (if you please) ever made any Complaint of their
Incapacity to judge, why is the World to believe the Slights you have met with
from them are either undeserved or particular? Indeed! indeed, I am not
conscious that we ever did you or any of your Fraternity the least Injustice! 251.1
Yet this was not all we had to struggle with; to
-252-
supersede our Right of rejecting, the Recommendation, or rather Imposition, of
some great Persons (whom it was not Prudence to disoblige) sometimes came in
with a high Hand to support their Pretensions; and then, cout que cout,
acted it must be! So when the short Life of this wonderful Nothing was over,
the Actors were perhaps abus'd in a Preface for obstructing the Success of it,
and the Town publickly damn'd us for our private Civility. 252.1
I cannot part with these fine Gentlemen Authors without
mentioning a ridiculous Disgraccia that befel one of them many Years
ago: This solemn Bard, who, like Bays, only writ for Fame and
Reputation; on the second Day's publick Triumph of his Muse,
-253-
marching in a stately full-bottom'd Perriwig into the Lobby of the House, with
a Lady of Condition in his Hand, when raising his Voice to the Sir Fopling
Sound, that became the Mouth of a Man of Quality, and calling out --
Hey! Box-keeper, where is my Lady such-a-one's Servant, was unfortunately
answer'd by honest John Trott, (which then happen'd to be the
Box-keeper's real Name) Sir, we have dismiss'd, there was not Company enough
to pay Candles. In which mortal Astonishment it may be sufficient to leave
him. And yet had the Actors refus'd this Play, what Resentment might have been
thought too severe for them?
Thus was our Administration often censured for Accidents
which were not in our Power to prevent: A possible Case in the wisest
Governments. If, therefore, some Plays have been preferr'd to the Stage that
were never fit to have been seen there, let this be our best Excuse for it.
And yet, if the Merit of our rejecting the many bad Plays that press'd hard
upon us were weigh'd against the few that were thus imposed upon us, our
Conduct in general might have more Amendments of the Stage to boast of than
Errors to answer for. But it is now Time to drop the Curtain.
During our four last Years there happen'd so very little
unlike what has been said before, that I shall conclude with barely mentioning
those unavoidable Accidents that drew on our Dissolution. The first, that for
some Years had led the way to greater, was
-254-
the continued ill State of Health that render'd Booth 254.1
incapable of appearing on the Stage. The next was the Death of Mrs. Oldfield,
254.2 which happen'd on the 23d of October, 1730.
About the same Time, too, Mrs. Porter, then in her highest Reputation
for Tragedy, was lost to us by the Misfortune of a dislocated Limb from the
overturning of a Chaise. 254.3 And our last
Stroke was the Death of Wilks, in September the Year following,
1731. 254.4
Charles Fleetwood
Mezzotint Portrait. Engraving by R. B. Parkes. Charles Fleetwood. "Sir
Fopling Flutter Arrested." "Drawn from a real Scene." John
Dixon
ad vivum del et fect
-255-
Notwithstanding such irreparable Losses; whether, when
these favourite Actors were no more to be had, their Successors might not be
better born with than they could possibly have hop'd while the former were in
being; or that the generality of Spectators, from their want of Taste, were
easier to be pleas'd than the few that knew better: Or that, at worst, our
Actors were still preferable to any other Company of the several then
subsisting: Or to whatever Cause it might be imputed, our Audiences were far
less abated than our Apprehensions had suggested. So that, though it began to
grow late in Life with me; having still Health and Strength enough to have
been as useful on the Stage as ever, I was under no visible Necessity of
quitting it: But so it happen'd that our surviving Fraternity having got some
chimærical, and, as I thought, unjust Notions into their Heads, which, though
I knew they were without much Difficulty to be surmounted; I chose not, at my
time of Day, to enter into new Contentions; and as I found an Inclination in
some of them to purchase the whole Power of the Patent into their own Hands; I
did my best while I staid
-256-
with them to make it worth their while to come up to my Price; and then
patiently sold out my Share to the first Bidder, wishing the Crew I had left
in the Vessel a good Voyage. 256.1
What Commotions the Stage fell into the Year following,
or from what Provocations the greatest Part of the Actors revolted, and set up
for themselves in the little House in the Hay-Market, lies not within
the Promise of my Title Page to relate: Or, as it might set some Persons
living in a Light they possibly might not chuse to be seen in, I will rather
be thankful for the involuntary Favour they have done me, than trouble the
Publick with private Complaints of fancied or real Injuries.
FINIS.
[192.1] 1733.
[193.1] In leaping from 1717 to 1728, as Cibber does here, he omits to
notice much that is of the greatest interest in stage history. Steele's
connection with the theatre was of a chequered complexion, and it is curious
as well as regrettable that an interested observer like Cibber should have
simply ignored the great points which were at issue while Steele was sharer in
the Patent. In order to bridge over the chasm I give a bare record of Steele's
transactions in connection with the Patent.
His first authority was a Licence granted to him and his
partners, Wilks, Cibber, Dogget, and Booth, and dated October 18th, 1714. This
was followed by a Patent, in Steele's name alone, for the term of his life,
and three years after his death, which bore date January 19th, 1715. Cibber
(p. 174) relates that Steele assigned to Wilks, Booth, and himself, equal
shares in this Patent. All went smoothly for more than two years, until the
appointment of the Duke of Newcastle (April 13th, 1717) as Lord Chamberlain.
He seems soon to have begun to interfere in the affairs of the theatre.
Steele, in the eighth number of "The Theatre," states that shortly
after his appointment the Duke demanded that he should resign his Patent and
accept a Licence in its place. This Steele naturally and rightly declined to
do, and here the matter rested for many months. With reference to this it is
interesting to note that among the Lord Chamberlain's Papers is the record of
a consultation of the Attorney-General whether Steele's Patent made him
independent of the Lord Chamberlain's authority. Unfortunately it is
impossible to decide, from the terms of the queries put to the
Attorney-General, whether these were caused by aggressive action on Steele's
part, or merely by his defence of his rights.
The next molestation was an order, dated December 19th,
1719, addressed to Steele, Wilks, and Booth, ordering them to dismiss Cibber;
which they did. His suspension, for it was nothing more, lasted till January
28th, 1720. Steele, in the seventh number of "The Theatre," January
23rd, 1720, alludes to his suspension as then existing, and in No. 12 talks of
Cibber's being just restored to the "Begging Bridge," that is, the
theatre. The allusion is to an Apologue by Steele ("Reader," No.
II.) which Cibber quotes, and applies to Steele, in his Dedication of
"Ximena" to him. A peasant had succeeded in barricading, with his
whole belongings, a bridge over which an enemy attempted to invade his native
country. He kept them back till his countrymen were roused; but when the
forces of his friends attacked the enemy, the peasant's property was destroyed
in the fray and he was left destitute. He received no compensation, but it was
enacted that he and his descendants were alone to have the privilege of begging
on this bridge. Cibber applies this fable to the treatment of Steele by the
Lord Chamberlain, and there can be no doubt that this Dedication must have
caused great offence to that official, and contributed materially to Cibber's
suspension, though Steele declared that the attack upon his partner was merely
intended as an oblique attack on himself. The author of the "Answer to
the Case of Sir Richard Steele," 1720 (Nichols's ed., p. 532), says that
Cibber had offended the Duke by an attack on the King and the Ministry in the
Dedication of his "Ximena" to Steele. He also says that when the
Chamberlain wanted a certain actor to play a part which belonged to one of the
managers, Cibber flatly refused to allow him, and was thereupon silenced. (The
actor is said to have been Elrington, and the part Torrismond; but I doubt if
Elrington was at Drury Lane in 1719-20.) A recent stage historian curiously
says that the play which gave offence was "The Nonjuror," which is
about as likely as that a man should be accused of high treason because he
sang "God Save the Queen!"
Steele then, being made to understand that the attack on
Cibber was the beginning of evil directed against himself, wrote to two great
Ministers of State, and presented a Petition to the King on January 22nd,
1720, praying to be protected from molestation by the Lord Chamberlain. The
result of this action was a revocation of Steele's Licence (not his
Patent specially, which is curious) dated January 23rd, 1720; and on the next
Monday, the 25th, an Order for Silence was sent to the managers and actors at
Drury Lane. The theatre accordingly remained closed Monday, Tuesday, and
Wednesday, January 25th to 27th, 1720, and on the 28th re-opened, Wilks,
Cibber, and Booth having made their submission and received a Licence dated
the previous day.
On the 4th of March following the actors of Drury Lane
were sworn at the Lord Chamberlain's office, "pursuant to an Order
occasioned by their acting in obedience to his Majesty's Licence, lately
granted, exclusive of a Patent formerly obtained by Sir Richard Steele,
Knight." The tenor of the Oath was, that as his Majesty's Servants they
should act subservient to the Lord Chamberlain, Vice-Chamberlain, and
Gentleman-Usher in Waiting. Whether Steele took any steps to test the legality
of this treatment is doubtful; but, on the accession of his friend Walpole to
office, he was restored to his position at the head of the theatre. On May
2nd, 1721, Cibber and his partners were ordered to account with Steele for his
past and present share of the profits of the theatre, as if all the
regulations from which his name had been excluded had never been made. This
edict is signed by the Duke of Newcastle, and must, I fancy, have been rather
a bitter pill for that nobleman. How Steele subsequently conducted himself,
and how much interest he took in the theatre, Cibber very fully relates in the
next few pages. After Steele's death a new Patent was granted to Cibber,
Wilks, and Booth, as will be related further on. It may be noted here,
however, that the date of the new Patent proves conclusively that Steele's
grant was never superseded. The new power was dated July 3rd, 1731, but it did
not take effect till September 1st, 1732, exactly three years after Steele's
death, according to the terms of his original Patent.
[198.1] This is one of Cibber's bad blunders. The Case was
heard in 1728. Genest (iii. 208) refers to the St. James's Evening Post's
mention of the hearing; and, in the Burney MSS. in the British Museum, a copy
of the paragraph is given. It is not, however, a cutting, but a manuscript
copy. "Saty. Feb. 17. There was an hearing in the Rolls Chapel in a Cause
between Sir Richard Steele, Mr. Cibber, Mr. Wilks, and others belonging to
Drury-Lane Theatre, which held five hours -- one of which was taken up by a
speech of Mr. Wilks, which had so good an effect, that the Cause went against
Sir Richard Steele." -- St. James's Evening Post, Feb. 17 to Feb. 20,
1728. In its next issue, Feb. 20 to Feb. 22, it corrects the blunder which it
had made in attributing Cibber's speech to Wilks.
[205.1] This was in the Dedication to "Ximena." The
passage will be found quoted by me in a note on page 163 of this volume.
[206.1] Cibber himself, of course.
[206.2] This Coronation was tacked to the play of "Henry
VIII.," which was revived at Drury Lane on 26th October, 1727. Special
interest attached to it on account of the recent Coronation of George II.
[209.1] This was in 1718. On 24th September, 1718, the bills
announce "the same Entertainments that were performed yesterday before
his Majesty at Hampton Court."
[209.2] In Whitelocke's "Memorials" there is an
account of a Masque played in 1633, before Charles I. and his Queen, by the
gentlemen of the Temple, which cost £21,000.
[209.3] The Earl of Burlington.
[210.1] "Calisto" was published in 1675. Genest (i.
181) says: "Cibber, with his usual accuracy as to dates, supposes that
Crowne was selected to write a mask for the Court in preference to Dryden,
through the influence of the Duke of Buckingham, who was offended at what
Dryden had said of him in Absalom and Achitophel -- Dryden's poem was not
written till 1681 -- Lord Rochester was the person who recommended
Crowne." I may add that Dryden furnished an Epilogue to
"Calisto," which was not spoken.
[211.1] Bowman, or Bowman, was born about 1651, and lived
till 23rd March, 1739. He made his first appearance about 1673, and acted to
within a few months of his death, having thus been on the stage for the
extraordinary period of sixty-five years. He was very sensitive on the subject
of his age, and, if asked how old he was, only replied, that he was very well.
Davies speaks highly of Boman's acting in his extreme old age ("Dram.
Misc.," i. 286 and ii. 100). Mrs. Boman was the adopted daughter of
Betterton.
[212.1] Bishop Burnet.
[212.2] First edition, vol. i.
[216.1] Davies ("Dram. Misc.," i. 365) says:
"Wolsey's filching from his royal master the honour of bestowing grace
and pardon on the subject, appeared to gross and impudent a prevarication,
that, when this play was acted before George I. at Hampton-Court, about the
year 1717, the courtiers laughed so loudly at this ministerial craft, that his
majesty, who was unacquainted with the English language, asked the
lord-chamberlain the meaning of their mirth; upon being informed of it, the
king joined in a laugh of approbation." Davies adds that this scene
"was not unsuitably represented by Colley Cibber;" but, in scenes
requiring dignity or passion, he expresses an unfavourable opinion of Cibber's
playing.
[218.1] From the Lord Chamberlain's Records it is clear that £10
was the fee for a play at Whitehall during the time of Charles I. If the
performance was at Hampton Court, or if it took place at such a time of day as
to prevent the ordinary playing at the theatre, £20 was allowed.
[219.1] The warrant for the payment of these performances is
dated 15th November, 1718. The expenses incurred by the actors amounted to £374
1s. 8d., and the present given by the King, as Cibber states,
was £200; the total payment being thus £574 1s. 8d.
[221.1] M. Perrin, the late manager of the Theatre Français,
was virulently attacked for giving la jeune troupe no opportunities,
and so doing nothing to provide successors to the great actors of his time.
[222.1] After the death of Wilks and Booth, and the
retirement of Cibber, the stage experienced a period of dulness, which was the
natural result of the want of good young talent in the lifetime of the old
actors. Such periods seem to recur at stated intervals in the history of the
stage.
[224.1] "Venice Preserved" was acted at the
Haymarket on 22nd February, 1707, but Dr. Burney's MSS. do not give the cast.
On 15th November, 1707, Pierre was played by Mills.
[224.2] For an account of this matter, see ante, page
70.
[226.1] Davies ("Dram. Misc.," iii. 255) has the following
interesting statement regarding Cibber and Wilks, which he gives on Victor's
authority: --
"However Colley may complain, in his Apology, of
Wilks's fire and impetuosity, he in general was Cibber's great admirer; he
supported him on all occasions, where his own passion or interest did not
interpose; nay, he deprived the inoffensive Harry Carey of the liberty of
the scenes, because he had, in common with others, made merry with Cibber in
a song, on his being appointed poet laureat; saying at the same time, he was
surprised at his impertinence, in behaving so improperly to a man of such
great merit."
[226.2] John Dennis, in an advertisement to the "Invader of his
Country," remarks on this foible. He says: --
"I am perfectly satisfied that any Author who brings a
Play to Drury-Lane, must, if 'tis a good one, be sacrificed to the
Jealousie of this fine Writer, unless he has either a powerful Cabal, or
unless he will flatter Mr. Robert Wilks, and make him believe that he
is an excellent Tragedian."
The "fine Writer" is, of course, Cibber.
[229.1] "In the trajedy of Mackbeth, where Wilks acts
the Part of a Man whose Family has been murder'd in his Absence, the Wildness
of his Passion, which is run over in a Torrent of calamitous Circumstances,
does but raise my Spirits and give me the Alarm; but when he skilfully seems
to be out of Breath, and is brought too low to say more; and upon a second
Reflection, cry, only wiping his Eyes, What, both my Children! Both, both my
Children gone -- There is no resisting a Sorrow which seems to have case about
for all the Reasons possible for its Consolation, but has no Recource. There
is not one left, but both, both are murdered! Such sudden Starts from the
Thread of the Discourse, and a plain Sentiment express'd in an artless Way,
are the irresistible Strokes of Eloquence and Poetry." --
"Tatler," No. 68, September 15th, 1709.
The extraordinary language of Macduff is quoted from
Davenant's mutilation of Shakespeare's play. Obviously it is not Shakespeare's
language.
[229.2] Charles Williams was a young actor of great promise,
who died in 1731. On the production of Thomson's "Sophonisba" at
Drury Lane, on February 28th, 1730, Cibber played Scipio, but was so hissed by
a public that would not suffer him in tragic parts, that he resigned the
character to Williams. (See Note 1, vol. i. page 179.) This would
seem to indicate that Williams was an actor of some position, for Scipio is a
good part.
[230.1] "In the strong expression of horror on the
murder of the King, and the loud exclamations of surprize and terror, Booth
might have exceeded the utmost efforts of Wilks. But, in the touches of
domestic woe, which require the feelings of the tender father and the
affectionate husband, Wilks had no equal. His skill, in exhibiting the
emotions of the overflowing heart with corresponding look and action, was
universally admired and felt. His rising, after the suppression of his
anguish, into ardent and manly resentment, was highly expressive of noble and
generous anger." -- "Dram. Misc.," ii. 183.
[233.1] This revival took place 11th January, 1726. The play
was acted eleven times.
[233.2] Jeremy Collier specially attacked Vanbrugh and his comedies for
their immorality and profanity, and for their abuse of the clergy. Even less
strict critics than Collier considered Vanbrugh's pieces as more indecent than
the average play. Thus the author of "Faction Display'd," 1704,
writes: --
Van's Baudy, Plotless Plays were once our boast,
But now the Poet's in the Builder lost."
[233.3] Davies ("Dram. Misc." iii. 455) says that
he supposes Cibber prevailed upon Vanbrugh to alter the disguise which Sir
John Brute assumes from a clergyman's habit to that of a woman of fashion.
[233.4] Sir John Brute.
[234.1] Cibber's meaning is not very clear, but if he intends
to convey the idea that it was for this revival that Vanbrugh made these
alterations, he is probably wrong, for when the play was revived at the
Haymarket, on 19th January, 1706, it was announced as "with
alterations."
[236.1] Mrs. Oldfield played Lady Brute, whose lover Constant
is.
[237.1] Wilks played Constant; Booth, Heartfree; and Cibber,
Sir John Brute.
[238.1] Cibber begins the seventh chapter of this work with
an account of Betterton's troubles as a manager. See vol. i. p. 227. See also
vol. i. p. 315.
[238.2]
"Ye Gods, what Havock does Ambition make
Among your Works!"
-- "Cato," act i. sc. 1.
[238.3]
"And, in despair their empty pit to fill,
Set up some Foreign monster in a bill.
Thus they jog on, still tricking, never thriving,
And murdering plays, which they miscall reviving."
"Address to Granville, on his Tragedy, Heroic Love."
[240.1] "During Booth's inability to act,....Wilks was
called upon to play two of his parts -- Jaffier, and Lord Hastings in Jane
Shore. Booth was, at times, in all other respects except his power to go on
the stage, in good health, and went among the players for his amusement. His
curiosity drew him to the playhouse on the nights when Wilks acted these
characters, in which himself had appeared with uncommon lustre. All the world
admired Wilks, except his brother-manager: amidst the repeated bursts of
applause which he extorted, Booth alone continued silent." -- Davies
("Dram. Misc.," iii. 256).
[240.2] Aaron Hill, quoted by Victor in his "Life of
Barton Booth," page 32, says: "The Passions which he found in Comedy
were not strong enough to excite his Fire; and what seem'd Want of
Qualification, was only Absence of Impression."
[241.1] Wilks can have seen Mountfort only in his early
career, for he did not leave Ireland till, at least, 1692; and in that year
Mountfort was killed.
[244.1] Wilks first played Othello in this country on June
22nd, 1710, for Cibber's benefit. Steele draws attention to the event in
"Tatler," No. 187, and in No. 188 states his intention of stealing
out to see it, "out of Curiosity to observe how Wilks and Cibber
touch those Places where Betterton and Sandford so very highly
excelled." Cibber was the Iago on this occasion. Steele probably found
little to praise in either.
[244.2] The Earl of Essex, in Banks's "Unhappy
Favourite," was one of Wilks's good parts, in which Steele
("Tatler," No. 14) specially praises him. Booth acted the part at
Drury Lane on November 25th, 1709.
[245.1] See Cibber on Betterton's Hamlet and on Wilks's
mistakes in the part, vol. i. page 100.
[246.1] In the Theatre Français a similar arrangement holds
to this day, Tuesday being now the fashionable night. M. Perrin, the late
manager, was accused of a too great attention to his Abonnés du Mardi,
to the detriment of the theatre and of the general public.
[246.2] See ante, vol. i. page 234.
[247.1] Arcangelo Corelli, a famous Italian musician, born
1653, died 1713, who has been called the father of modern instrumental music.
[248.1] Jeanne Catherine Gaussin, a very celebrated actress
of the Comédie Français, was the original representative of Zaïre, in
Voltaire's tragedy, to which Cibber refers. She made her first Parisian
appearance in 1731; she retired in 1763, and died on 9th June 1767. Voltaire's
Zaïre" owed much of its success to her extraordinary ability.
[251.1] Cibber has been strongly censured for his treatment
of authors. "The Laureat" gives the following account of an author's
experiences: "The Court sitting, Chancellor Cibber (for the other
two, like M -- rs in Chancery, sat only for Form sake, and did not
presume to judge) nodded to the Author to open his Manuscript. The Author
begins to read, in which if he failed to please the Corrector, he wou'd
condescend sometimes to read it for him: When, if the play strook him very
warmly, as it wou'd if he found any Thing new in it, in which he conceived he
cou'd particularly shine as an Actor, he would lay down his Pipe, (for the Chancellor
always smoaked when he made a Decree) and cry, By G -- d there is something
in this: I do not know but it may do; but I will play such a Part. Well,
when the Reading was finished, he made his proper Corrections and sometimes
without any Propriety; nay, frequently he very much and very hastily maimed
what he pretended to mend" (p. 95). The author also accuses Cibber of
delighting in repulsing dramatic writers, which he called "Choaking of
Singing birds." However, in Cibber's defence, Genest's opinion may be
quoted (iii. 346): "After all that has been said against Chancellor
Cibber, it does not appear that he often made a wrong decree: most of the good
plays came out at Drury Lane -- nor am I aware that Cibber is much to be
blamed for rejecting any play, except the Siege of Damascus in the first
instance."
[252.1] In the preface to "The Lunatick" (1705) the actors are
roundly abused; but the most amusing attack on actors is in the following
title-page: "The Sham Lawyer: or the Lucky Extravagant. As it was Damnably
Acted at the Theatre-Royal in Drury Lane." This play, by Drake, was
played in 1697, and among the cast were Cibber, Bullock, Johnson, Haines, and
Pinkethman.
Bellchambers notes: "Such was the case in Dennis's
'Comic Gallant,' where one of the actors, whom I believe to be Bullock, is
most severely handled." I think he is wrong in imagining Bullock to be
the actor criticised. Dennis says that Falstaffe was the character that was
badly sustained, and I cannot believe Bullock's position would entitle him to
play that part in 1702. Genest (ii. 250) suggests Powell as the delinquent.
[254.1] Cibber's account of Booth is so complete that there
is little to be added to it. Booth was born in 1681, and was of a good English
family. He first appeared in Dublin in 1698, under Ashbury, but returned to
England in 1700, and joined the Lincoln's Inn Fields Company. He followed the
fortunes of Betterton until, as related by Cibber in Chapter XII., the
secession of 1709 occurred. From that point to his retirement the only event
demanding special notice is his marriage with Hester Santlow (see p. 96 of
this volume). This took place in 1719, and was the cause of much criticism and
slander, some of which Bellchambers reproduces with evident gusto. I do not
repeat his statements, because I consider them wildly extravagant. They are
fully refuted by Booth's will, from the terms of which it is clear that his
marriage was a happy one, and that he esteemed his wife as well as loved her.
Booth's illness, to which Cibber refers above, seized him early in the season
of 1726-27, and though after it he was able to play occasionally, he was never
restored to health. His last appearance was on 9th January, 1728, but he lived
till 10th May, 1733.
[254.2] See memoir of Mrs. Oldfield at end of volume.
[254.3] Mrs. Porter met with the accident referred to in the
summer of 1731. See Davies, "Dram. Misc.," iii. 495. She returned to
the stage in January, 1733.
[254.4] Wilks died 27th September, 1732. He was of English
parentage, and was born near Dublin, whither his father had removed, about
1665. He was in a Government office, but about 1691 he gave this up, and went
on the stage. After a short probation in Dublin he came over to London, and
was engaged by Rich, with whom he remained till about 1695. He returned to
Dublin, and became so great a favourite there, that it is said that the Lord
Lieutenant issued a warrant to prevent his leaving again for London. However,
he came to Drury Lane about 1698, and from that time his fortunes are closely
interwoven with Cibber's, and are fully related by him.
[256.1] "The Laureat," p. 96: "As to the
Occasion of your parting with your Share of the Patent, I cannot think you
give us the true Reason; for I have been very well inform'd, it was the
Intention, not only of you, but of your Brother Menagers, as soon as you could
get the great Seal to your Patent, (which stuck for some Time, the then Lord Chancellor
not being satisfied in the Legality of the Grant) to dispose it to the best
Bidder. This was at first kept as a Secret among you; but as soon as the Grant
was compleated, you sold to the first who wou'd come up to your Price."
-257-
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER
BY ROBERT W. LOWE.
THE transaction to which Cibber alludes in his last
paragraph is one with regard to which he probably felt that his conduct
required some explanation. After the death of Steele, a Patent was granted to
Cibber, Wilks, and Booth, empowering them to give plays at Drury Lane, or
elsewhere, for a period of twenty-one years from 1st September, 1732. 257.1
-258-
Just after it came into operation Wilks died, and his share in the Patent
became the property of his wife. Booth, shortly before his death, which
occurred in May, 1733, sold half of his share for £2,500, to John
Highmore, a gentleman who seems to have been a typical amateur manager, being
possessed of some money, no judgment, and unbounded vanity. In making this
purchase Highmore stipulated that, with half of Booth's share, he should
receive the whole of his authority; and he accordingly exercised the same
power of control as had belonged to Booth. Mrs. Wilks deputed Mr. John Ellys,
the painter, to be her representative, so that Cibber had to manage the
affairs of the theatre in conjunction with a couple of amateurs, both
ignorant, and one certainly presumptuous also. He delegated his authority for
a time to his scapegrace son, Theophilus, who probably made himself so
objectionable that Highmore was glad to buy the father's share in the Patent
also. 258.1 He paid three thousand guineas for it, thus
purchasing a whole share for a sum not much exceeding that which he had paid
for one-half. Highmore's first purchase took place in the autumn of 1732, his
second somewhere about May, 1733; so that, when Drury
-259-
Lane opened for the season 1733-34, he possessed one-half of the three shares
into which the Patent was divided. Mrs. Wilks retained her share, but Mrs.
Booth had sold her remaining half-share to Henry Giffard,259.1
the manager of Goodman's Fields Theatre, at which, eight years later, Garrick
made his first appearance. Highmore had scarcely entered upon his fuller
authority when a revolt was spirited up among his actors, the chief of whom
left him in a body to open the little theatre in the Haymarket. Shameful to
relate, the ringleader in this mutiny was Theophilus Cibber; and, what is
still more disgraceful, Colley Cibber lent them his active countenance.
Benjamin Victor, though a devoted friend of Colley Cibber, characterizes the
transaction as most dishonest, 259.2 and there is no
reason to doubt the accuracy of his information or the soundness of his
judgment. Davies ("Life of Garrick," i. 76) states that Colley
-260-
Cibber applied to the Duke of Grafton, then Lord Chamberlain, for a new
License or Patent in favour of his son; but the Duke, on inquiring into the
matter, was so disgusted at Cibber's conduct that he refused the application
with strong expressions of disapprobation. The seceders had of course no
Patent or License under which to act; but, from the circumstance that they
took the name of Comedians of His Majesty's Revels, it is probable that they
received a License from the Master of the Revels, Charles Henry Lee. Highmore,
deserted by every actor of any importance except Miss Raftor (Mrs. Clive),
Mrs. Horton, and Bridgwater, was at his wits' end. He summoned the seceders
for an infringement of his Patent, but his case, tried on 5th November, 1733,
was dismissed, apparently on some technical pleas. He could not prevail upon
the Lord Chamberlain to exert his authority to close the Haymarket, so he
determined to try the efficacy of the Vagrant Act (12 Queen Anne) against the
irregular performers. John Harper accordingly was arrested on 12th November,
1733, and committed to Bridewell. On the 20th of the same month he was tried
before the Court of King's Bench as a rogue and vagabond; but, whether from
the circumstance that Harper was a householder, or from a decision that
playing at the Haymarket was not an act of vagrancy, 260.1
he was discharged upon his own recognizance,
-261-
and the manager's action failed. He had therefore to bring actors from the
country to make up his company; but of these Macklin was the only one who
proved of any assistance, and the unfortunate Highmore, after meeting
deficiencies of fifty or sixty pounds each week for some months, was forced to
give up the struggle.261.1 Another amateur then stepped
into the breach -- Charles Fleetwood, who purchased the shares of Highmore and
Mrs. Wilks for little more than the former had paid for his own portion.
Giffard seems to have retained his sixth of the Patent. Fleetwood first set
about regaining the services of the seceders, and, as the majority of them
were probably ashamed of following the leadership of Theophilus Cibber, he
succeeded at once. The last performance at the Haymarket took place on 9th
March, 1734, and on the 12th the deserters reappeared on Drury Lane stage.
This transaction ended Colley Cibber's direct interference in the affairs of
the theatre, and his only subsequent connection with the stage was as an
actor. His first appearance after his retirement was on 31st October, 1734,
when he played his great character of Bayes. During the season he acted Lord
Foppington, Sir.
-262-
John Brute, Sir Courtly Nice, and Sir Fopling Flutter; and on 26th February,
1735, he appeared as Fondlewife for the benefit of his old friend and partner,
Owen Swiney.262.1 At the end of the season 1734-5, an
arrangement was under consideration by which a committee of actors, including
Mills, Johnson, Miller, Theo. Cibber, Mrs. Heron, Mrs. Butler, and others,
were to rent Drury Lane from Fleetwood, for fifteen years, at £920 per
annum; but the arrangement does not appear to have been carried out, and
Fleetwood continued Patentee of Drury Lane until 1744-5.
The rival company, under the control of John Rich, acted
at Lincoln's Inn Fields from 18th December, 1714, to 5th December, 1732; then
they removed to the new Covent Garden Theatre, which was opened on 7th
December with "The Way of the World." For several seasons both
companies dragged along very uneventfully, so far as the artistic advancement
of the stage was concerned, although the passing of the Licensing Act of 1737,
already fully commended on, was an event of great historical importance.
Artistically the period was one of rest, if not of retrogression; the methods
of the older time were losing their meaning and vitality, and were becoming
mere dry bones of tradition. The high priest of the stage was James Quin, a
great actor, though not of the first order; and among the younger players
perhaps the most notable was Charles
-263-
Macklin, rough in manner as in person, but full of genius and a thorough
reformer. Garrick was the direct means of revolutionizing the methods of the
theatre, and it was his genius that swept away the formality and dulness of
the old school; but it ought to be remembered that the way was prepared for
him by Charles Macklin, whose rescue of Shylock from low comedy was an
achievement scarcely inferior to Garrick's greatest. During this dull period
Cibber's appearances must have had an importance and interest, which, after
Garrick's advent, they lacked.
In the season 1735-6 he acted Sir Courtly Nice and Bayes,
and in the next season his play of "Papal Tyranny in the Reign of King
John," a miserable mutilation of Shakespeare's "King John," was
put in rehearsal to Drury Lane. But such a storm of ridicule and abuse arose
when this play was announced, that Cibber withdrew it, 263.1
and it was not seen till 1745, when, the nation being in fear of a Popish
Pretender, it was produced at Covent Garden from patriotic motives.
Cibber's implacable foe, Fielding, was one of the
ringleaders in the attack on him for mutilating Shakespeare; and in his
"Historical Register for
-264-
1736,"264.1 in which Colley is introduced as
"Ground-Ivy," 264.2 gives him the following
excellent rebuke: --
"Medley. As Shakspear is already good
enough for People of Taste, he must be alter'd to the Palates of those who
have none; and if you will grant that, who can be properer to alter him for
the worse?"
In 1738, having, as Victor says ("History," ii.
48), "Health and Strength enough to be as useful as ever," he agreed
with Fleetwood to perform a round of his favourite characters. He was
successful in comedy, but in tragedy he felt that his strength was no longer
sufficient; and Victor relates that, going behind the scenes while the third
act of "Richard III." was on, he was told in a whisper by the old
man, "That he would give fifty Guineas to be then sitting in his easy
Chair by his own Fire-side." Probably
-265-
he never played in tragedy again until the production of his own "Papal
Tyranny" -- at least I cannot discover that he did. In 1740-1 he acted
Fondlewife for the benefit of Chetwood, late prompter at Drury Lane, who was
then imprisoned in the King's Bench for debt; and his reception was so
favourable that he repeated the character a second and third time for his own
profit.265.1 Upon these occasions he spoke an
"Epilogue upon Himself," which is given in "The Egotist"
(p. 57 et seq.), and forms so good an epitome of Cibber's philosophy,
besides giving an excellent specimen of his style, that I quote it at length:
--
"Now worn with Years, and yet in Folly strong,
Now to act Parts, your Grandsires saw when Young!
What could provoke me! -- I was always wrong.
To hope, with Age, I could advance in Merit!
Even Age well acted, asks a youthful Spirit:
To feel my Wants, yet shew 'em thus detected,
Is living to the Dotage, I have acted!
T' have acted only Once excus'd might be,
When I but play'd the Fool for Charity
But fondly to repeat it! -- Senseless Ninny!
-- No -- now -- as Doctors do -- I touch the Guinea!
And while I find my Doses can affect you,
'Twere greater Folly still, should I neglect you.
Though this Excuse, at White's they'll not allow me;
The Ralliers There, in Diff'rent Lights will shew me.
They'll tell you There: I only act -- sly Rogue!
To play with Cocky! 265.2 -- O! the doting Dog!
And howsoe'er an Audience might regard me,
-266-
One-tiss ye Nykin, 266.1 amply might reward me!
Let them enjoy the Jest, with Laugh incessant!
For True, or False, or Right, or Wrong, 'tis pleasant!
Mixt, in the wisest Heads, we find some Folly;
Yet I find few such happy Fools -- as Colley!
So long t'have liv'd the daily Satire's Stroke,
Unmov'd by Blows, that might have fell'd an Oak,
And yet have laugh'd the labour'd Libel to a Joke.
Suppose such want of Feeling prove me dull!
What's my Aggressor then -- a peevish Fool!
The strongest Satire's on a Blockhead lost;
For none but Fools or Madmen strike a Post.
If for my Folly's larger List you call,
My Life has lump'd 'em! There you'll read 'em all.
There you'll find Vanity, wild Hopes pursuing;
A wide Attempt: to save the Stage from Ruin!
There I confess, I have out-done my own out-doing! 266.2
As for what's left of Life, if still 'twill do;
'Tis at your Service, pleas'd while pleasing you:
But then, mistake me not! when you've enough;
One slender House declares both Parties off:
Or Truth in homely Proverb to advance,
I pipe no longer than you care to dance.
The representative of Lætitia (or Cocky) alluded
to in this Epilogue was Mrs. Woffington, with whom stage-history has
identified the "Susannah" of the following well-known anecdote,
which I quote from an attack upon Cibber, published in 1742, entitled "A
Blast upon Bays; or, A New Lick at the Laureat." The author
writes: "No longer ago than when the Bedford Coffee house was in
Vogue, and Mr. Cibber was writing An Apology for his own Life,
there was
-267-
one Mr. S -- -(the Importer of an expensive Hay-market Comedy) an old
Acquaintance of Mr. Cibber, who, as well as he, retain'd a Smack of his
antient Taste. In those Days there was also a fair smirking Damsel, whose name
was Susannah-Maria* * *, who happen'd to have Charms sufficient to
revive the decay'd Vigour of these two Friends. They equally pursued her, even
to the Hazard of their Health, and were frequently seen dangling after
her, with tottering Knees, at one and the same Time. You have heard, Sir, what
a witty Friend of your own said once on this Occasion: Lo! yonder goes
Susannah and the two Elders." Even Genest has applied this
anecdote to Mrs. Woffington, but the only circumstance that lends confirmation
to this view is the fact that Swiney (who is Mr. S -- -) left her his estate.
Against this must be set the important points that Susannah Maria was not Mrs.
Woffington's name, and that the joke depended for its neatness and
applicability on the name Susannah. The narrator of the story, also, gives no
hint that the damsel was the famous actress, as he certainly would have done;
and, most important of all, it must be pointed out that at the period
mentioned, that is, while Cibber was writing his "Apology," Mrs.
Woffington had not appeared in London. The "Apology" was published
in April, 1740, and had probably been completed in the preceding November;
while Mrs. Woffington made her London débût on 6th November, 1740.267.1
-268-
During the season 1741-2, "At the particular desire
of several persons of Quality," Cibber made a few appearances at Covent
Garden; the purpose being, in all probability, to oppose the extraordinary
attraction of Garrick at Goodman's Fields. In 1743-4 he played at the same
theatre as Garrick, being engaged at Drury Lane for a round of his famous
characters; but there is no record that Garrick and he appeared in the same
play. For the new actor Cibber had, naturally enough, no great admiration. He
must have resented deeply the alteration in the method of acting tragedy which
Garrick introduced, and is always reported as having lost no opportunity of
expressing his low opinion of the new school.268.1
His last appearances on the stage were in direct rivalry
with his young opponent. As has been related, Cibber's alteration of
"King John," which had been "burked" in 1736-7, was
produced, from patriotic motives, in 1745. As the principal purpose
-269-
of the alteration was to make King John resent the insolence of the Pope's
Nuncio in a much more emphatic manner than he does in Shakespeare, it may
easily be imagined how wretched a production Cibber's play is. Genest's
criticism is not too strong when he says (iv. 161): "In a word, Cibber
has on this occasion shown himself utterly void of taste, judgment and modesty
-- well might Fielding call his Ground-Ivy, and say that no man was better
calculated to alter Shakespeare for the worse.... in the Epilogue (which was
spoken by Mrs. Clive) Cibber speaks of himself with modesty, but in the
dedication, being emboldened by the favourable reception of his Tragedy, he
has the insolence to say 'I have endeavoured to make it more like a play
than I found it in Shakespeare.'" "Papal Tyranny" was
produced at Covent Garden on 15th February, 1745,269.1
-270-
and, in opposition to it, Shakespeare's play was put up at Drury Lane, with
Garrick as King John, Macklin as Pandulph, and Mrs. Cibber (the great Mrs.
Cibber, wife of Theophilus) as Constance. Cibber's play was, nevertheless,
successful; the profit resulting to the author being, according to Victor,
four hundred pounds, which he wisely laid out in a profitable annuity with
Lord Mountford. In this play Cibber made his last appearance on the stage, on
26th February, 1745, on which day "Papal Tyranny" was played for the
tenth time. "After which," says Victor ("History," ii. 49)
"he retired to his easy Chair and his Chariot, to waste the Remains of
Life with a chearful, contented Mind, without the least bodily Complaint, but
that of a slow, unavoidable Decay."
His state of mind was probably the more "chearful
and contented" because of his unquestionable success in his tilt with the
formidable author of "The Dunciad;" a success none the less certain
at the time, that the enduring fame of Pope has caused Cibber's triumph over
him to be lost sight of now. The progress of the quarrel between these enemies
has already been related up to the publication of Cibber's "Apology"
(see vol. i. p. 36), and on pages 21, 35, and 36 of the first volume of this
edition will be found Cibber's perfectly good-natured and proper remarks on
Pope's attacks on him. Whether the very fact that Cibber did not show temper
irritated his opponent, I do not know; but it probably did so, for in the
fourth book
-271-
of "The Dunciad," published in 1742, Pope had another fling at his
opponent (line 17): --
"She mounts the throne: her head a cloud conceal'd,
In broad effulgence all below reveal'd;
('Tis thus aspiring Dulness ever shines:)
Soft on her lap her laureate son reclines."
And in line 532 he talks of "Cibberian
forehead" as typical of unblushing impudence.
It is not surprising that this last attack exhausted
Cibber's patience. He had hitherto received his punishment with good temper
and good humour; but his powerful enemy had not therefore held his hand. He
now determined to retaliate. Conscious of the diseased susceptibility of Pope
to ridicule, he felt himself quite capable of replying, not with equal
literary power, but with much superior practical effect. Accordingly in 1742
there appeared a pamphlet entitled "A Letter from Mr. Cibber, to Mr.
Pope, inquiring into the motives that might induce him in his Satyrical Works,
to be so frequently fond of Mr. Cibber's name." To it was prefixed the
motto: "Out of thy own Mouth will I judge thee. Pref. to the Dunciad."
Cibber commences by stating that he had been persuaded to
reply to Pope by his friends; who insisted that for him to treat his attacker
any longer with silent disdain might be thought a confession of Dulness
indeed. This is a highly probable statement; for an encounter between the
vivacious Cibber and the thin-skinned Pope promised a wealth of
-272-
amusement for those who looked on -- a promise which was amply fulfilled.
Cibber proceeds to assure Pope that, having entered the lists, he will not in
future avoid the fray, but reply to every attack made on him. 272.1
He confesses his vast inferiority to Pope, but adds: "I own myself so
contented a Dunce, that I would not have even your merited Fame in Poetry, if
it were to be attended with half the fretful Solicitude you seem to have lain
under to maintain it; of which the laborious Rout you make about it, in those
Loads of Prose Rubbish, wherewith you have almost smother'd your Dunciad,
is so sore a Proof." On page 17 of his "Letter" Cibber gives an
interesting account of a quarrel between Pope and himself, to which he, with
sufficient probability, attributes much of Pope's enmity. The passage is
curious and important, so I quote it in full: --
"The Play of the Rehearsal, which had lain
some few Years dormant, being by his present Majesty (then Prince of Wales)
commanded to be revived, the Part of Bays fell to my share. To this
Character there had always been allow'd such ludicrous Liberties of
Observation, upon any thing new, or
Alexander Pope
-273-
remarkable, in the state of the Stage, as Mr. Bays
might think proper to take. Much about this time, then, The Three Hours
after Marriage had been acted without Success; 273.1
when Mr.Bays, as usual, had a fling at it, which, in itself, was no
Jest, unless the Audience would please to make it one: But however, flat as it
was, Mr. Pope was mortally sore upon it. This was the Offence. In this
Play, two Coxcombs, being in love with a learned Virtuoso's Wife, to get
unsuspected Access to her, ingeniously send themselves, as two presented
Rarities, to the Husband, the one curiously swath'd up like an Egyptian
Mummy, and the other slily cover'd in the Pasteboard Skin of a Crocodile: upon
which poetical Expedient, I, Mr. Bays, when the two Kings of Brentford
came from the Clouds into the Throne again, instead of what my Part directed
me to say, made use of these Words, viz. 'Now, Sir, this Revolution, I had
some Thoughts of introducing, by a quite different Contrivance; but my Design
taking air, some of your sharp Wits, I found, had made use of it before me;
otherwise I intended to have stolen one of them in, in the Shape of a Mummy,
and t'other, in that of a Crocodile.' Upon which, I doubt, the Audience
by the Roar of their Applause shew'd their proprotionable Contempt of the Play
they belong'd to. But why am I answerable for that? I did not lead them,
-274-
by any Reflection of my own, into that Contempt: Surely to have used the bare
Word Mummy, and Crocodile, was neither unjust, or unmannerly;
Where then was the Crime of simply saying there had been two such things in a
former Play? But this, it seems, was so heinously taken by Mr. Pope,
that, in the swelling of his Heart, after the Play was over, he came behind
the Scenes, with his Lips pale and his Voice trembling, to call me to account
for the Insult: And accordingly fell upon me with all the foul Language, that
a Wit out of his Senses could be capable of -- How durst I have the Impudence
to treat any Gentleman in that manner? &c. &c. &c. Now let
the Reader judge by this Concern, who was the true Mother of the Child! When
he was almost choked with the foam of his Passion, I was enough recover'd from
my Amazement to make him (as near as I can remember) this Reply, viz.
'Mr. Pope -- -You are so particular a Man, that I must be asham'd to
return your Language as I ought to do: but since you have attacked me in so
monstrous a Manner; This you may depend upon, that so long as the Play
continues to be acted, I will never fail to repeat the same Words over and
over again.' Now, as he accordingly found I kept my Word, for several Days
following, I am afraid he has since thought, that his Pen was a sharper Weapon
than his Tongue to trust his Revenge with. And however just Cause this may be
for his so doing, it is, at least, the only Cause my Conscience can charge me
with. Now, as I might
-275-
have concealed this Fact if my Conscience would have suffered me, may we not
suppose, Mr. Pope would certainly have mention'd it in his Dunciad,
had he thought it could have been of service to him?
Cibber afterwards proceeds to criticise and reply to
allusions to himself in Pope's works, some of which are in conspicuously bad
taste. Cibber, of course, does not miss the obvious point that to attack his
successful plays was a foolish proceeding on Pope's part, whose own endeavours
as a dramatist had been completely unsuccessful, and who thus laid himself
open to the charge of envy. Nor is this accusation so ridiculous as it may
seem to readers of to-day, for a successful playwright was a notable public
figure, and the delicious applause of the crowded theatre was eagerly sought
by even the most eminent men. And again, it must be remembered that Pope's
fame was not then the perfectly assured matter that it is now.
But Cibber's great point, which made his opponent writhe
with fury, was a little anecdote -- Dr. Johnson terms it "an idle story
of Pope's behaviour at a tavern" -- which raised a universal shout of
merriment at Pope's expense. The excuse for its introduction was found in
these lines from the "Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot": --
"Whom have I hurt? has poet yet or peer
Lost the arch'd eyebrow or Parnassian sneer?
And has not Colley still his lord and whore?
His butchers Henley? his freemasons Moore?"
-276-
Cibber's anecdote cannot be defended on the ground of
decency, but it is extremely ludicrous, and in the state of society then
existing it must have been a knock-down blow to the unhappy subject of it.
There can be little doubt that it was this pamphlet which Pope received on the
occasion when the Richardsons visited him, as related by Johnson in his Life
of the poet: "I have heard Mr. Richardson relate that he attended his
father the painter on a visit, when one of Cibber's pamphlets came into the
hands of Pope, who said, 'These things are my diversion.' They sat by him
while he perused it, and saw his features writhing with anguish: and young
Richardson said to his father, when they returned, that he hoped to be
preserved from such diversion as had been that day the lot of Pope." How
deeply Pope was galled by Cibber's ludicrous picture of him is manifested by
the extraordinary revenge he took. And even now we can realize the bitterness
of the provocation when we read the maliciously comic story of the vivacious
Colley: --
"As to the first Part of the Charge, the Lord;
Why -- we have both had him, and sometimes the same Lord; but as there
is neither Vice nor Folly in keeping our Betters Company; the Wit or Satyr of
the Verse! can only point at my Lord for keeping such ordinary Company.
Well, but if so! then why so, good Mr. Pope? If either of us
could be good Company, our being professed Poets, I hope would be no
Objection to my Lord's sometimes making
-277-
one with us? and though I don't pretend to write like you, yet all the
Requisites to make a good Companion are not confined to Poetry! No, Sir, even
a Man's inoffensive Follies and Blunders may sometimes have their Merits at
the best Table; and in those, I am sure, you won't pretend to vie with me: Why
then may not my Lord be as much in the Right, in his sometimes choosing Colley
to laugh at, as at other times in his picking up Sawney, whom he can
only admire?
"Thus far, then, I hope we are upon a par; for the
Lord, you see, will fit either of us.
"As to the latter Charge, the Whore, there
indeed, I doubt you will have the better of me; for I must own, that I believe
I know more of your whoring than you do of mine; because I don't
recollect that ever I made you the least Confidence of my Amours,
though I have been very near an Eye-Witness of Yours -- By the way,
gentle Reader, don't you think, to say only, a Man has his Whore,
without some particular Circumstances to aggravate the Vice, is the flattest
Piece of Satyr that ever fell from the formidable Pen of Mr. Pope?
because (defendit numerus) take the first ten thousand Men you meet,
and I believe, you would be no Loser, if you betted ten to one that every
single Sinner of them, one with another, had been guilty of the same Frailty.
But as Mr. Pope has so particularly picked me out of the Number to make
an Example of: Why may I not take the same Liberty, and even single him out
for another
-278-
to keep me in Countenance? He must excuse me, then, if in what I am going to
relate, I am reduced to make bold with a little private Conversation: But as
he has shewn no Mercy to Colley, why should so unprovok'd an Aggressor
expect any for himself? And if Truth hurts him, I can't help it. He may
remember, then (or if he won't I will) when Button's Coffee-house was
in vogue, and so long ago, as when he had not translated above two or three
Books of Homer; there was a late young Nobleman (as much his Lord
as mine) who had a good deal of wicked Humour, and who, though he was fond of
having Wits in his Company, was not so restrained by his Conscience, but that
he lov'd to laugh at any merry Mischief he could do them: This noble Wag, I
say, in his usual Gayetè de Coeur, with another Gentleman still in
Being,
[278.1] one Evening slily seduced the celebrated Mr. Pope as a Wit, and
myself as a Laugher, to a certain House of Carnal Recreation, near the Hay-Market;
where his Lordship's Frolick propos'd was to slip his little Homer, as
he call'd him, at a Girl of the Game, that he might see what sort of Figure a
Man of his Size, Sobriety, and Vigour (in Verse) would make, when the frail
Fit of Love had got into him; in which he so far succeeded, that the smirking
Damsel, who serv'd us with Tea, happen'd to have Charms sufficient to tempt
the
-279-
little-tiny Manhood of Mr. Pope into the next Room with her: at which
you may imagine, his Lordship was in as much Joy, at what might happen within,
as our small Friend could probably be in Possession of it: But I (forgive me
all ye mortified Mortals whom his fell Satyr has since fallen upon) observing
he had staid as long as without hazard of his Health he might, I,
Prick'd to it by foolish Honesty and Love,
As Shakespear says, without Ceremony, threw open the Door upon him,
where I found this little hasty Hero, like a terrible Tom Tit, pertly
perching upon the Mount of Love! But such was my Surprize, that I fairly laid
hold of his Heels, and actually drew him down safe and sound from his Danger.
My Lord, who staid tittering without, in hopes the sweet Mischief he came for
would have been compleated, upon my giving an Account of the Actin within,
began to curse, and call me an hundred silly Puppies, for my impertinently
spoiling the Sport; to which with great Gravity I reply'd; pray, my Lord,
consider what I have done was, in regard to the Honour of our Nation! For
would you have had so glorious a Work as that of making Homer speak
elegant English, cut short by laying up our little Gentleman of a
Malady, which his thin Body might never have been cured of? No, my Lord! Homer
would have been too serious a Sacrifice to our Evening Merriment. Now as his Homer
has since been so happily
-280-
compleated, who can say, that the World may not have been obliged to the
kindly Care of Colley that so great a Work ever came to Perfection?
"And now again, gentle Reader, let it be judged,
whether the Lord and the Whore above-mentioned might not, with
equal Justice, have been apply'd to sober Sawney the Satyrist, as to Colley
the Criminal?
"Though I confess Recrimination to be but a poor
Defence for one's own Faults; yet when the Guilty are Accusers, it seems but
just, to make use of any Truth, that may invalidate their Evidence: I
therefore hope, whatever the serious Reader may think amiss in this Story,
will be excused, by my being so hardly driven to tell it."
In the remainder of Cibber's pamphlet there is not much
that is of any importance, though an allusion to one of Pope's victims having
hung up a birch in Button's Coffee House, wherewith to chastise his satirist,
was skilfully calculated to rouse Pope's temper. Cibber thoroughly succeeded
in this object, 280.1 perhaps to a degree that he rather
regretted. Pope made no direct reply to his banter, but in the following year
(1743) a new edition of "The Dunciad" appeared, in which Theobald
was deposed from the throne of Dulness, and Cibber elevated in his place.
-281-
By doing this Pope gratified his vengeance, but injured his poem, for the
carefully painted peculiarities of Theobald, a slow and pedantic scholar, sat
ill on the pert and vivacious Colley. 281.1 TO this
retaliation Cibber, as he had promised, 281.2 replied
with another pamphlet, entitled "Another Occasional Letter from Mr.
Cibber to Mr. Pope. Wherein the New Hero's Preferment to his Throne, in the Dunciad,
seems not to be Accepted. And the Author of that Poem His more rightful Claim
to it, is Asserted. With An Expostulatory Address to the Reverend Mr. W. W
-- -n, Author of the new Preface, and Adviser in the curious Improvements
of that Satire." The motto on the title-page was: --
" -- -Remember Sauney's Fate!
Bang'd by the Blockhead, whom he strove to beat.
Parodie on Lord Roscommon."
There is little that is of any note in this production,
which is characterized by the same real or affected good-nature as marked the
former pamphlet. The most interesting passages to us are those alluding to the
effect of Cibber's previous attack, and exulting over Pope's distress at it.
For instance (on page 7): --
"And now, Sir, give me leave to be a little
surpriz'd
-282-
at the impenetrable Skull of your Courage, that (after I had in my first
Letter) so heartily teiz'd, and toss'd, and tumbled you through all the Mire,
and Dirt, the madness of your Muse had been throwing at other People, it could
still, so Vixen like, sprawl out the same feeble Paw of its Satyr, to have
t'other Scratch at my Nose: But as I know the Vulgar (with whose Applause I
humbly content my self) are apt to laugh when they see a curst Cat in a
Kennel; so whenever I observe your Grimalkin Spirit shew but the least
grinning Gasp of Life, I shall take the honest liberty of old Towser
the House-dog, and merrily lift up my Leg to have a little more Game with you.
"Well Sir, in plainer Terms, I am now, you see, once
more willing to bring Matters to an Issue, or (as the Boxers say) to answer
your Challenge, and come to a Trial of Manhood with you; though by our slow
Proceedings, we seem rather to be at Law, than at Loggerheads
with one another; and if you had not been a blinder Booby, than my self, you
would have sate down quietly, with the last black Eye I gave you: For so loath
was I to squabble with you, that though you had been snapping, and snarling at
me for twenty Years together, you saw, I never so much as gave you a single
Growl, or took any notice of you. At last, 'tis true, in meer Sport for
others, rather than from the least Tincture of Concern for my self, I was
inticed to be a little wanton, not to say waggish, with your Character; by
which
-283-
having (you know) got the strong Laugh on my Side, I doubt I have so offended
the Gravity, and Greatness of your Soul, that to secure your more ample
Revenge, you have prudently taken the full Term of thirteen Months
Consideration, before you would pour it, upon me! But at last, it seems, we
have it, and now Souse! out comes your old Dunciad, in a new Dress,
like fresh Gold, upon stale Gingerbread, sold out in Penny-worth's of shining
King Colley, crown'd the Hero of Immortal Stupidity!"
And again (on page 15): "At your Peril be it, little
Gentleman, for I shall have t'other Frisk with you, and don't despair that the
very Notice I am now taking of you, will once more make your Fame fly, like a
yelping Cur with a Bottle at his Tail, the Jest and Joy of every Bookseller's
Prentice between Wapping and Westminster!"
To this pamphlet Pope, whose infirmities were very great,
made no reply, and Cibber had, as he had vowed, the last word. Round the
central articles of this quarrel a crowd of supplementary productions had
gathered, a list of which will be found in the Bibliography of Cibber a few
pages on.
Cibber's position of Poet Laureate furnished him with a
steady income during his declining years, and his Odes were turned out as
required, with mechanical precision and most unpoetic spirit. They were the
standing joke of the pamphleteers and new-sheet writers, and were always
accompanied with a running
-284-
fire of banter and parody. Those curious in the matter will find excellent
specimens, both of the Odes and the burlesques, in the early volumes of the
"Gentleman's Magazine."
After the termination of his quarrel with Pope, Cibber's
life was very uneventful; and, although it extended far beyond the allotted
span, he continued to enjoy it to the very end. Horace Walpole greeted him one
day, saying, "I am glad, Sir, to see you looking so well."
"Egad, Sir," replied the old man, "at eighty-four it is well
for a man that he can look at all." On 11th December, 1757, he died,
having attained the great age of eighty-six. 284.1 Dr.
Doran ("Their Majesties' Servants," 1888 edition, ii. 235) says:
"I read in contemporary publications that there 'died at his house in
Berkeley Square, Colley Cibber, Esq., Poet Laureate;'" and although it
has been stated that he died at Islington, I see no reason to doubt Dr.
Doran's explicit statement. Cibber was buried in the Danish Church, Wellclose
Square.284.2
-285-
So far as we know, only two of Cibber's children survived
him, his ne'er-do-well son Theophilus, and his equally scapegrace daughter
Charlotte, who married Charke the musician. The former was born in 1703, and
was drowned in the winter of 1758, while crossing to Ireland to fulfil an
engagement in Dublin. As an actor he was chiefly famous for playing Ancient
Pistol, but he was also excellent in some of his father's characters, such as
Lord Foppington, Bayes, and Sir Francis Wronghead. His private life was in the
last degree disreputable, and especially so in his relations with his second
wife, Susanna Maria Arne -- the great Mrs. Cibber. The literature regarding
Theophilus Cibber is considerable in quantity and curious in quality. Some
account of it will be found in my "Bibliographical Account of English
Theatrical Literature," pp. 52-55.
-286-
Charlotte Charke, who was born about 1710, and died in April, 1760, was of no
note as an actress. Her private life, however, was madly eccentric, and her
autobiography, published in 1755, is a curious and scarce work.
Cibber's principal plays have been noted in the course of
his "Apology;" but, for the sake of convenience, I give here a
complete list of his regular dramatic productions: --
- Love's Last Shift -- Comedy -- Produced at Drury Lane, 1696.
- Woman's Wit -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 1697.
- Xerxes -- Tragedy -- Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1699.
- Richard III. -- Tragedy (alteration of Shakespeare's play) -- Drury Lane,
1700.
- Love Makes a Man -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 1701.
- The School Boy -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 26th October, 1702.
- She Would and She would Not -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 26th November, 1702.
- The Careless Husband -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 7th December, 1704.
- Perolla and Izadora -- Tragedy -- Drury Lane, 3rd December, 1705.
- The Comical Lovers -- Comedy -- Haymarket, 4th February, 1707.
- The Double Gallant -- Comedy -- Haymarket, 1st November, 1707.
- The Lady's Last Stake -- Comedy -- Haymarket, 13th December, 1707.
-287-
- The Rival Fools -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 11th January, 1709.
- The Rival Queans -- Comical-Tragedy -- Haymarket, 29th June, 1710.
- Ximena -- Tragedy -- Drury Lane, 28th November, 1712.
- Venus and Adonis -- Masque -- Drury Lane, 1715.
- Bulls and Bears -- Farce -- Drury Lane, 1st December, 1715.
- Myrtillo-Pastoral Interlude -- Drury Lane, 1716.
- The Nonjuror -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 6th December, 1717.
- The Refusal -- Comedy -- Drury Lane, 14th February, 1721.
- Cæsar in Egypt -- Tragedy -- Drury Lane, 9th December, 1724.
- The Provoked Husband -- Comedy (in conjunction with Vanbrugh) -- Drury
Lane, 10th January, 1728.
- Love in a Riddle-Pastoral -- Drury Lane, 7th January, 1729.
- Damon and Phillida -- Pastoral Farce -- Haymarket, 1729.
- Papal Tyranny in the Reign of King John -- Tragedy (alteration of
Shakespeare's "King John") -- Covent Garden, 15th February, 1745.
Of these, his alteration of "Richard III." had
practically undisputed possession of the stage, until the taste and judgment
of Mr. Henry Irving gave us back the original play. 287.1
But in the provinces, when
-288-
stars of the old school play a round of legitimate parts, the adulterated
version still reigns triumphant, and the great effect of the night is got in
Cibber's famous line: --
"Off with his head! So much for Buckingham!"
In "The Hypocrite," a comedy still played at
intervals, Cibber's "Nonjuror" survives. Bickerstaffe, who was the
author of the alteration, retained a very large portion of the original play,
his chief change being the addition of the inimitable Maw-worm.
That another of Cibber's plays survives is owing to the
taste of an American manager and to the
Susanna Maria Cibber
-289-
genius of an American company of comedians. Mr. Augustin
Daly's company includes among its repertory Cibber's comedy of "She Would
and She Would Not," and has shown in London as well as in New York how
admirable a comedy it is. It goes without saying to those who have seen this
company, that much of the success was due to Miss Ada Rehan, who showed in
Hypolita, as she has done in Katharine ("Taming of the Shrew"), that
she is mistress of classical comedy as of modern touch-and-go farce.289.1
Cibber was the cause of quite a considerable literature,
mostly abusive. The following list, taken from my "Bibliographical
Account of English Theatrical Literature" (1888), is, I believe, a
complete catalogue of all separate publications by, or relating to, Colley
Cibber: --
A clue to the comedy of the Non-Juror. With some hints of
consequence relating to that play. In a letter to N. Rowe, Esq; Poet Laureat
to His Majesty. London (Curll): 1718. 8vo. 6d.
Cibber's "Non-Juror," produced at Drury-Lane,
December 6, 1717, was written in favour of the Hanoverian succession. Rowe
wrote the prologue, which was very abusive of Nonjurors. This tract is not
an attack on the play, but a satire on, it is said, Bishop Hoadly.
A lash for the Laureat: or an address by way of Satyr;
most humbly inscrib'd to the unparallel'd
-290-
Mr. Rowe, on occasion of a late insolent Prologue to the Non-Juror. London (J.
Morphew): 1718. folio. Title, 1 leaf: Pref. 1 leaf. pp. 8. 6d.
A furious attack on Rowe on account of his Prologue. A tract
of extreme rarity.
A compleat key to the Non-Juror. Explaining the
characters in that play, with observations thereon. By Mr. Joseph Gay. The
second edioion (sic). London (Curll): 1718. 8vo. pp. 24 including title
and half-title.
3rd edition: 1718. Joseph Gay is a pseudonym. Pope is said
to be the author of the pamphlet, which is very unfriendly to Cibber.
The Theatre-Royal turn'd into a mountebank's stage. In
some remarks upon Mr. Cibber's quack-dramatical performance, called the
Non-Juror. By a Non-Juror. London (Morphew): 1718. 8vo. Title 1 leaf. pp. 38.
6d.
The Comedy call'd the Non-Juror. Shewing the particular
scenes wherein that hypocrite is concern'd. With remarks, and a key,
explaining the characters of that excellent play. London (printed for J. L.):
1718. 8vo. pp. 24, including title. 2d.
Some cursory remarks on the play call'd the Non-Juror,
written by Mr. Cibber. In a letter to a friend. London (Chetwood) 1718. 8vo.
Dated from Button's Coffee-House and signed "H.
S." Very laudatory.
A journey to London. Being part of a comedy written by
the late Sir John Vanbrugh, Knt. and
-291-
printed after his own copy: which (since his decease) has been made an intire
play, by Mr. Cibber, and call'd The provok'd husband. &c. London (Watts):
1728. 8vo. pp. 51, including title.
"The Provok'd Husband," by Vanbrugh and Cibber,
was produced at Drury Lane, January 10, 1728; and though Cibber's Nonjuror
enemies tried to condemn it, was very successful. This tract shows how much
of the play was written by Vanbrugh.
Reflections on the principal characters in the Provoked
Husband. London: 1728. 8vo.
An apology for the life of Mr. Colley Cibber, comedian,
and late patentee of the Theatre-Royal. With an historical view of the stage
during his own time. Written by himself. London (Printed by John Watts for the
author): 1740. 4to. Port.
Second edition, London, 1740, 8vo., no portrait; third
edition, London, 1750, 8vo., portrait; fourth edition, 1756, 2 vols. 12mo.,
portrait. A good edition was published, London, 1822, 8vo., with notes by E.
Bellchambers and a portrait. The "Apology" forms one of Hunt's
series of autobiographies, London, 1826. One of the most famous and valuable
of theatrical books.
An apology for the life of Mr. T.....C....., comedian.
Being a proper sequel to the Apology for the life of Mr. Colley Cibber,
comedian. With an historical view of the stage to the present year. Supposed
to be written by himself. In the stile and manner of the Poet Laureat. London
(Mechell): 1740. 8vo. 2s.
The object of this pamphlet, ascribed to Fielding, is
chiefly to ridicule Colley Cibber's "Apology." Herman, 22s.
-292-
A brief supplement to Colley Cibber, Esq; his lives of
the late famous Actors and Actresses. Si tu scis, melior ego. By
Anthony, Vulgò Tony Aston. Printed for the Author, N.P. (London): N.D.
(1747-8). 8vo. pp. 24 including title.
A pamphlet of extreme rarity. Isaac Reed purchased a copy in
1769; and in 1795 he notes on it that, though he has had it twenty-six
years, he has never seen another copy. Reed's copy was bought by Field for
65s., at whose sale, in 1827, Genest bought it for 36s.
The tryal of Colley Cibber, comedian, &c., for
writing a book intitled An apology for his life, &c. Being a thorough
examination thereof; wherein he is proved guilty of High Crimes and
Misdemeanors against the English language, and in characterising many persons
of distinction....Together with an indictment exhibited against Alexander Pope
of Twickenham, Esq; for not exerting his talents at this juncture: and the
arraignment of George Cheyne, Physician at Bath, for the Philosophical,
Physical, and Theological heresies, uttered in his last book on Regimen.
London (for the author): 1740. 8vo. pp. vii. 40. 1s.
With motto -- "Lo! He hath written a Book!" The
Dedication is signed "T. Johnson."
The Laureat: or, the right side of Colley Cibber, Esq;
containing explanations, amendments, and observations, on a book intituled, An
apology for the life, and writings of Mr. Colley Cibber. Not written by
himself. With some anecdotes of the Laureat,
-293-
which he (thro' an excess of modesty) omitted. To which is added, The history
of the life, manners and writings of Æsopus the tragedian, from a fragment of
a Greek manuscript found in the Library of the Vatican; interspers'd with
observations of the translator. London (Roberts): 1740. 8vo. 1s. 6d.
A furious attack on Cibber. The Life of Æsopus is a
burlesque Life of Cibber. Daniel. 7s. 6d.
The history of the stage. In which is included, the
theatrical characters of the most celebrated actors who have adorn'd the
theatre. Among many others are the following, viz. Mr. Betterton, Mr.
Montfort, Mr. Dogget, Mr. Booth, Mr. Wilks, Mr. Nokes. Mrs. Barry, Mrs.
Montfort, Mrs. Gwin, Mrs. Bracegirdle, Mrs. Porter, Mrs. Oldfield. Together
with, the theatrical life of Mr. Colley Cibber. London (Miller): 1742. 8vo.
A "boil-down" of Cibber's Apology.
A letter from Mr. Cibber, to Mr. Pope, inquiring into the
motives that might induce him in his satyrical works, to be so frequently fond
of Mr. Cibber's name. London (Lewis): 1742. 8vo. 1s.
Second edition, London, 1744, 8vo.; reprinted, London, 1777,
8vo. The sting of this pamphlet lies in an anecdote told of Pope at a house
of ill-fame, in retaliation for his line:
"And ha snot Colley still his lord and whore?"
A letter to Mr. C -- b -- r, on his letter to Mr. P.....
London (Roberts): 1742. 8vo. 26 pp. 6d.
Very scarce. Abusive of Pope -- laudatory towards Cibber.
-294-
Difference between verbal and practical virtue. With a
prefatory epistle from Mr. C...b...r to Mr. P. London (Roberts): 1742. Folio.
Title 1 leaf: Epistle 1 leaf: pp. 7.
Very rare. A rhymed attack on Pope.
A blast upon Bays; or, a new lick at the Laureat.
Containing, remarks upon the late tatling performance, entitled, A letter from
Mr. Cibber to Mr. Pope, &c. And lo there appeared an old woman!
Vide the Letter throughout. London (Robbins): 1742. 8vo. pp. 26. 6d.
A bitter attack on Cibber.
Sawney and Colley, a poetical dialogue: occasioned by a
late letter from the Laureat of St. James's, to the Homer of Twickenham.
Something in the manner of Dr. Swift. London (for J. H.): n.d. (1742). Folio.
Title 1 leaf: pp. 21. 1s.
Very scarce. A coarse and ferocious attack on Pope in rhyme.
The egotist: or, Colley upon Cibber. Being his own
picture retouch'd, to so plain a likeness, that no one, now,
would have the face to own it, but himself. London (Lewis): 1743. 8vo. pp. 78
including title. 1s.
Anonymous, but undoubtedly by Cibber himself.
Another occasional letter from Mr. Cibber to Mr. Pope.
Wherein the new hero's preferment to his throne, in the Dunciad, seems not to
be accepted. And the author of that poem his more rightful claim
-295-
to it, is asserted. With an expostulatory address to the Reverend Mr. W. W --
-- n, author of the new preface, and adviser in the curious improvements of
that satire. By Mr. Colley Cibber. London (Lewis): 1744. 8vo. 1s.
The Rev. W. W -- -n is Warburton. This tract was reprinted,
Glasgow, n.d., 8vo. The two "Letters" were reprinted, London,
1777, with, I believe, a curious frontispiece representing the adventure
related by Cibber at Pope's expense in the first "Letter." I am
not certain whether the frontispiece was issued with the London or Glasgow
reprint, having seen it in copies of both. In Bohn's "Lowndes"
(1865) is mentioned a parody on this first "Letter," with the same
title, except that "Mrs. Cibber's name" is substituted for
"Mr. Cibber's name." Lowndes says: "A copy is described in
Mr. Thorpe's catalogue, p. iv, 1832, 'with the frontispiece of Pope
surprized with Mrs. Cibber.'" I gravely doubt the existence of any such
work, and fancy that this frontispiece is the one just mentioned, but
wrongly described. Herman (two Letters, with scare front.), 40s.
A letter to Colley Cibber, Esq; on his transformation of
King John. London. 1745. 8vo.
Cibber's mangling of "King John," entitled
"Papal Tyranny in the Reign of King John," was produced at Covent
Garden, February 15, 1745.
A new book of the Dunciad: occasion'd by Mr. Warburton's
new edition of the Dunciad complete. By a gentleman of one of the Inns of
Court. With several of Mr. Warburton's own notes, and likewise Notes Variorum.
London (J. Payne & J. Bouquet): 1750. 4to. 1s.
Cibber dethroned and Warburton elevated to the throne of
Dulness.
-296-
Shakspere's tragedy of Richard III., considered
dramatically and historically; and in comparison with Cibber's alteration as
at present in use on the stage, in a lecture delivered to the members of the
Liverpool Literary, Scientific and Commercial Institution, by Thos. Stuart, of
the Theatre Royal. (Liverpool): n.d. (about 1850). 12mo.
Cibber published in 1747 a work entitled "The
Character and Conduct of Cicero, considered from the history of his life by
Dr. Middleton;" but it is of little value or interest.
[257.1] Among the Lord Chamberlain's Papers is a copy of a
warrant to prepare this Patent. It is dated 15th May, 1731, and the Patent
itself is dated 3rd July, 1731, though it did not take effect till 1st
September, 1732. The reason for this is noted on page 196.
[258.1] "The Grub-Street Journal," 7th June, 1733,
says: "One little Creature, only the Deputy and Representative of his
Father, was turbulent enough to balk their Measures, and counterbalance all
the Civility and Decency in the other scale....To remedy this, the Gentleman
who bought into the Patent first, purchased his Father's Share, and set him
down in the same obscure Place from whence he rose.
[259.1] In "The Case of John Mills, James Quin,"
&c., given in Theo. Cibber's "Dissertations" (Appendix, p. 48),
it is stated that "such has been the Inveteracy of some of the late
Patentees to the Actors, that when Mrs. Booth, Executrix of her late
Husband, Barton Booth, Esq; sold her sixth part of the Patent to Mr. Giffard,
she made him covenant, not to sell or assign it to Actors."
[259.2]
"I must own, I was heartily disgusted with the Conduct
of the Family of the Cibbers on this Occasion, and had frequent and
violent Disputes with Father and Son, whenever we met! It appeared to me
something shocking that the Son should immediately render void, and
worthless, what the Father had just received Thirty-one Hundred and Fifty
Pounds for, as a valuable Consideration." -- Victor's
"History," i. 14.
[260.1] Cibber, in Chapter VIII. (vol. i. p. 283), alludes to
this trial, and gives the first of these two suppositions as the reason of
Harper's acquittal, but Victor ("History," i. 24) says that he has
been informed that this is an error.
[261.1]
"He was a Man of Humanity and strict Honour; many
Instances fatally proved, that his Word, when solemnly given, (which was his
Custom) was sufficient for the Performance, though ever so injurious to
himself." -- Victor's "History," i. 25.
[262.1] See ante, Chapter IX. (vol. i. p. 330, note 1).
[263.1]
"The clamour against the author, whose presumption was
highly censured for daring to alter Shakespeare, increased to such a height,
that Colley, who had smarted more than once for dabbling in tragedy, went to
the playhouse, and, without saying a word to any body, took the play from
the prompter's desk, and marched off with it in his pocket." --
"Dram. Misc.," i. 5.
[264.1] Produced at the Haymarket, 1737.
[264.2]
["Enter Ground-Ivy.]
Ground.
What are you doing here?
Apollo.
I am casting the Parts in the Tragedy of King John.
Ground.
Then you are casting the Parts in a Tragedy that won't do.
Apollo.
How, Sir! Was it not written by Shakespear, and was not Shakespear
one of the greatest Genius's that ever lived?
Ground.
No, Sir, Shakespear was a pretty Fellow, and said some things that only
want a little of my licking to do well enough; King John, as now writ,
will not do -- But a Word in your Ear, I will make him do.
Apollo.
How?
Ground.
By Alteration, Sir; it was a Maxim of mine when I was at the Head of
Theatrical Affairs, that no Play, tho' ever so good, would do with
Alteration."
-- "Historical register," act iii. sc. 1.
[265.1] These appearances too place on January 12th, 13th,
and 14th, 1741.
[265.2] Fondlewife's pet name for his wife Lætitia.
[266.1] Lætitia's pet name for Fondlewife. See vol. i. page
206.
[266.2] An allusion to his own phrase in the Preface to
"The Provoked Husband." See vol. i. page 51.
[267.1] The name "Susannah Maria" naturally
suggests Susanna Maria Arne, the wife of Theo. Cibber; but the anecdote cannot
refer to her, because she was married in 1734, some years before Cibber began
his "Apology."
[268.1] Davies ("Dram. Misc.," iii. 501) says:
"Mr. Garrick asked him [Cibber] if he had not in his possession, a comedy
or two of his own writing. -- 'What then?' said Cibber. -- 'I should be glad
to have the honour of bringing it into the world.' -- 'Who have you to act
it?' -- 'Why, there are (said Garrick) Clive and Pritchard, myself, and some
others,' whom he named. -- 'No! (said the old man, taking a pinch of snuff,
with great nonchalance) it won't do.'" Davies (iii. 502) relates how
Garrick drew on himself a rebuke from Cibber. Discussing in company the old
school, "Garrick observed that the old style of acting was banishing the
stage, and would not go down. 'How do you know? (said Cibber); you never tried
it.'"
[269.1]
"Papal Tyranny in the Reign of King John."
- KING JOHN............................Mr. Quin.
- ARTHUR, his Nephew...................Miss J. Cibber.
- SALISBURY............................Mr. Ridout.
- PEMBROKE.............................Mr. Rosco.
- ARUNDEL..............................Mr. Anderson.
- FALCONBRIDGE.........................Mr. Ryan.
- HUBERT...............................Mr. Bridgewater.
- KING PHILIP Mr. Hale.
- LEWIS the Dauphin of France.........Mr. Cibber, Jun.
- MELUN, a Nobleman Mr. Cashell.
- PANDULPH, Legate from Pope Innocent..Mr. Cibber, Sen.
- ABBOT of Angiers Mr. Gibson.
- GOVERNOR of Angiers................Mr. Carr.
- LADY CONSTANCE.......................Mrs. Pritchard.
- BLANCH, Niece to King John...........Mrs. Bellamy.
[272.1] "On CIBBER'S Declaration that he will have the last
Word with Mr. POPE.
QUOTH Cibber to Pope, tho' in Verse you foreclose,
I'll have the last Word, for by G -- d I'll write Prose.
Poor Colley, thy reas'ning is none of the strongest,
For know, the last Word is the Word that last longest."
"The Summer Miscellany," 1742.
[273.1] This play was produced at Drury Lane, 16th January,
1717; and the performance of "The Rehearsal" referred to took place
on the 7th February.
[278.1] The Earl of Warwick was the young nobleman, and it is
said in Dillworth's "Life of Pope" that "the late Commissioner
Vaughan" was the other gentleman.
[280.1] "But Pope's irascibility prevailed, and he
resolved to tell the whole English world that he was at war with Cibber; and,
to show that he thought him no common adversary, he prepared no common
vengeance; he published a new edition of the 'Dunciad, in which he degraded
Theobald from his painful pre-eminence and enthroned Cibber in his
stead." -- Johnson's "Life of Pope."
[281.1] "Unhappily the two heroes were of opposite
characters, and Pope was unwilling to lose what he had already written; he has
therefore depraved his poem by giving to Cibber the old books, the old
pedantry, and the sluggish pertinacity of Theobald." -- Johnson's
"Life of Pope."
[281.2] See ante, p. 272.
[284.1] It has been generally stated that Cibber died on 12th
December, 1757, but "The Public Advertiser" of Monday, 12th
December, announces his death as having occurred "Yesterday
morning." The "Gentleman's Magazine" and the "London
Magazine," in their issues for December, 1757, give the 11th as the date.
[284.2] Mr. Laurence Hutton, in his "Literary Landmarks of
London" (p. 54), gives the following interesting particulars regarding
Cibber's last resting-place: "Cibber was buried by the side of his father
and mother, in a vault under the Danish Church, situated in Wellclose Square,
Ratcliff Highway (since named St. George Street). This church, according to an
inscription placed over the doorway, was built in 1696 by Caius Gabriel Cibber
himself, by order of the King of Denmark, for the use of such of his Majesty's
subjects as might visit the port of London. The church was taken down some
years ago (1868-70), and St. Paul's Schools were erected on its foundation,
which was left intact. Rev. Dan. Greatorex, Vicar of the Parish of St. Paul,
Dock Street, in a private note written in the summer of 1883, says: --
"'Colley Cibber and his father and mother were buried
in the vault of the old Danish Church. When the church was removed, the
coffins were all removed carefully into the crypt under the apse, and then
bricked up. So the bodies are still there. The Danish Consul was with me
when I moved the bodies. The coffins had perished except the bottoms. I
carefully removed them myself personally, and laid them side by side at the
back of the crypt, and covered them with earth.'"
[287.1] Shakespeare's "Richard III." was produced at the Lyceum
Theatre on 29th January, 1877. It was announced as "strictly the original
text, without interpolations, but simply with such omissions and
transpositions as have been found essential for dramatic representation."
In Richard Mr. Irving's great powers are seen to special advantage.
The case of Cibber's play in 1700 was --
- KING HENRY VI., designed for...Mr. Wilks.
- EDWARD, PRINCE OF WALES...............Mrs. Allison.
- RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK.................Miss Chock.
- RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER...........Mr. Cibber.
- DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM....................Mr. Powel.
- LORD STANLEY..........................Mr. Mills.
- DUKE OF NORFOLK.......................Mr. Simpson.
- RATCLIFF..............................Mr. Kent.
- CATESBY...............................Mr. Thomas.
- HENRY, EARL OF RICHMOND...............Mr. Evans.
- OXFORD................................Mr. Fairbank.
- QUEEN ELIZABETH.......................Mrs. Knight.
- LADY ANN..............................Mrs. Rogers.
- CICELY................................Mrs. Powel.
[289.1] A beautiful Portfolio of Sketches of Mr. Daly's
Company has been published, in which is a portrait of Miss Rehan as Hypolita,
with a critical note by Mr. Brander Matthews.